History of the missions of the American Board Of Commissioners For Foreign Missions to the oriental churches, Volume I.
Date: 2006-07-28T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions; Missions -- Eastern churches

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Title: History of the missions of the American Board Of Commissioners For Foreign Missions to the oriental churches, Volume I.

Author: Rufus Anderson

Release date: July 28, 2006 [eBook #18930]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by John Bechard

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS OF THE AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES, VOLUME I. ***

Produced by John Bechard (JaBBechard@aol.com)

HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS OF THE AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

BY RUFUS ANDERSON, D.D., LL.D., LATE FOREIGN SECRETARY OF THE BOARD.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

BOSTON: CONGREGATIONAL PUBLISHING SOCIETY. 1872.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1872, by THE AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY H. 0. HOUGHTON AND COMPANY.

PREFACE.

Missions to the Oriental Churches occupy a large space in the forty-nine volumes of the Missionary Herald, and in as many Annual Reports of the Board; and in view of the multitude of facts, from which selections must be made to do justice to the several missions, it will readily be seen, that their history cannot be compressed into a single volume. The Missions may be regarded as seven or eight in number; considering the Palestine and Syria missions as really but one, and the several Armenian missions as also one. The history of the Syria mission, in its connection with the American Board, covers a period of fifty-one years; that of the Nestorian, thirty-seven; that of the Greek mission, forty-three; of the Assyrian (as a separate mission), ten; of the Armenian mission, to the present time, forty; and of the Bulgarian, twelve. The mission to the Jews, extending through thirty years, was so intimately connected with these, as to demand a place in the series; and the facts scattered through half a century, illustrating the influence exerted on the Mohammedans, are such as to require a separate embodiment.

In writing the history, one of three methods was to be adopted; either to embrace all the missions in one continuous narrative; or to carry forward the narrative of each mission, separately and continuously, through its entire period; or, rejecting both these plans, to keep the narratives of the several missions distinct, but, by suitable alternations from one to another, to secure for the whole the substantial advantages of a contemporaneous history. The first could not be done satisfactorily, so long as the several missions have a separate existence in the minds of so many readers, and while so many feel a strong personal interest in what is said or omitted. Even on the plan adopted, so much must necessarily be omitted, or stated very briefly, as to endanger a feeling, that injustice has been done to some excellent missionaries. As for the second, the author had not the courage to undertake consecutive journeys through so many long periods; and he believed not a few of his readers would sympathize with him. If, however, any desire to read the history of any one mission through in course, the table of contents will make that easy. Each of the histories is complete, so far as it goes.

No attempt has been made to write a philosophical history of missions. The book of the Acts of the Apostles is not such a history, nor has one yet been written. The time has not come for that. There are not the necessary materials. The directors of missions, and missionaries themselves, have not yet come to a full practical agreement as to the principles that underlie the working of missions, nor as to the results to be accomplished by them; and it must be left to competent writers in the future,—when the whole subject shall be more generally and better understood,—after patiently examining the proceedings of missionary societies in America, England, Scotland, and Germany, to state and apply the principles that may be thus evolved. The most that can now be done, is to record the facts in their natural connections, together with the more obvious teachings of experience. If the author has been successful in doing this, his end is gained.

In the present state of religious opinion respecting divine Providence among a portion of the reading community, it may be proper to state the author's strong conviction, that the promise of the Lord Jesus, to be with his missionaries, pledges the divine interposition in their behalf; and that "whoso is wise, and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving-kindness of the Lord." In the work of missions, "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble." The history before us often presents cases, in which there is no more reason to doubt the divine agency, than the human; and no intelligent missionary would labor hopefully and cheerfully, after becoming a disbeliever in a particular providence.

Nearly all the early laborers in the fields here presented, have finished their work on earth. Parsons and Fisk were the only ones, with whom the writer had not a personal acquaintance. Of not a few others,—and of some who, like himself, still linger here,—he has many pleasant personal recollections that sweeten anticipations of the heavenly world. He is thankful in being allowed to commemorate their labors and virtues, and only regrets the want of space and ability to do it better. His constant endeavor has been to present the missions to the reader as their imprint is left on his own mind. More biographical notices would have been gladly inserted, had there been room. The details of persecution are sufficient to furnish glimpses of the severe ordeal, through which it has pleased the Head of the Church to bring the infant churches of those fields.

The Syria and Nestorian missions passed under the direction of the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions in the year 1870, and our history of them closes at that time. Up to that date, the Congregational and New School Presbyterian Churches (the Old School Presbyterians also up to the year 1837, and the Reformed Dutch Church for many years) sustained an equal relation to all these missions. The mission to the Jews in Turkey was relinquished in 1856, out of regard to Scotch and English brethren, who had undertaken to cultivate that field. The communities in Turkey among whom our missionaries now labor, are the Armenians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Mohammedans, and the Arabic-speaking Christians of Eastern Turkey.

The Board has ever acted on the belief, that its labors should not be restricted to pagan nations.1 The word "heathen" in the preamble of its charter, is descriptive and not restrictive. It is not in the Constitution of the Board, which was adopted at its first meeting only a few weeks after its organization. The second article of the Constitution declares it to be the object of the Board, "to devise, adopt, and prosecute ways and means for propagating the Gospel among those who are destitute of the knowledge of Christianity." This of course includes Mohammedans and Jews; and those who carefully consider the statements embodied in the Introduction to the History, will see that it embraces, also, the Oriental Churches, as they were fifty years ago.

1 These remarks were suggested by a speech at the Annual Meeting of the Board in Salem, by the Rev. S. B. Treat, Home Secretary of the Board.

In November, 1812, the year in which the first missionaries sailed for Calcutta, a committee, appointed by the Board to appeal to its constituency, used this emphatic language: "It is worthy of consideration, that the Board is not confined in its operations to any part of the world, but may direct its attention to Africa, North or South America, or the Isles of the Sea, as well as to Asia." At the Annual Meeting in 1813, it was voted: "That the Prudential Committee be directed to make inquiry respecting the settlement of a mission at San Salvador, in Brazil, at Port Louis, in the Isle of France, or on the island of Madagascar." In the latter part of 1818, it was resolved to commence a mission in Western Asia. The Prudential Committee said, in their Report for 1819: "In Palestine, Syria, the provinces of Asia Minor, Armenia, Georgia, and Persia, though Mohammedan countries, there are many thousands of Jews, and many thousands of Christians, at least in name. But the whole mingled population is in a state of deplorable ignorance and degradation,—destitute of the means of divine knowledge, and bewildered with vain imaginations and strong delusions." In that year Pliny Fisk and Levi Parsons embarked for this field.

This historical review makes it clear, that those who organized the Board and directed its early labors, regarded not only Pagans, but Mohammedans, Jews, and nominal Christians, as within the sphere of its labors; and such has been the practical construction for nearly sixty years.

The reader is referred to the close of the second volume for an Index; also, for a detailed statement of the Publications issued by the several missions, which must impress any one with the amount, value, and influence of the intellectual labor there embodied. Had these statements been given at length in the History, they would have embarrassed its progress. A list is also appended of the Missionaries, male and female, giving the time during which they were severally connected with the missions.

Thankful acknowledgments are due to the Rev. Thomas Laurie, D.D.,
the writer of a number of valuable and popular works, and to the
Rev. Isaac R. Worcester, well known as the Editor of the Missionary
Herald, for their kind and careful revision of the work.

This History of the Missions of the Board to the Oriental Churches, is respectfully dedicated to the friends of those missions; and the author, who has no pecuniary interest in the work, will be amply rewarded, should he be regarded as having given a true and faithful account of the agency of the Board in the Republication of the Gospel in Bible Lands.

Boston, 1872.

CONTENTS.

MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER I. PALESTINE.—1819-1824.

The First Missionaries.—Their Instructions.—Reception by other
Missionaries.—The Seven Churches.—Temporary Separation.—Mr.
Parsons at Jerusalem.—Disturbing Influence from the Greek
Revolution.—Returns to Smyrna.—Their Voyage to Alexandria.—Death
and Character of Mr. Parsons.—Mr. Fisk goes to Malta.—Printing
Establishment.—Rev. Jonas King becomes Mr. Fisk's Associate.—Rev.
Joseph Wolff.—The Missionaries in Egypt.—Crossing the Desert.—At
Jerusalem.—Beirût and Lebanon.—The Emir Beshir.—An interesting
Convocation.—Journals and Labors.—Jerusalem revisited.—Arrest of
Messrs. Fisk and Bird.—Visit to Hebron.—Sale of Scriptures.
—Return to Beirût.—Communion of Saints.—Journey to Damascus and
Aleppo.

CHAPTER II. PALESTINE.—1824-1843.

Proclamation of the Grand Seignior.—Jerusalem again visited.
—Absurd Reports.—Disturbed State of the Country.—Mr. King's
Farewell Letter.—He visits Smyrna and Constantinople.
—Contributions in France and England.—Agency among the Churches.
—Sickness and Death of Mr. Fisk.—His Character.—Jerusalem
reoccupied.—Danger to the Mission Families.—Death of Mrs.
Thomson.—New Missionaries.—Death of Dr. Dodge.—The Cholera.
—Station at Jerusalem suspended.—Opinion of Dr. Hawes.—Burying
Ground on Mount Zion.

CHAPTER III. SYRIA.—1823-1828.

Origin of the Mission to Syria.—Beirût.—Studies of the
Missionaries.—Native Helpers.—Papal Opposition.—Hopeful View.
—Education.—First Acquaintance with Asaad Shidiak.—Greek
Invasion.—Providential Interposition.—Pious Natives.—Dionysius at
Jerusalem.—A Prayer-meeting.—The Mission Church.—Works in the
Native Languages.—Persecution of Mr. Bird.—Apprehension of War.
—Suspension of the Mission.—Parting Scene.

CHAPTER IV. SYRIA.—THE MARTYR OF LEBANON.—1826-1830.

Significance of the Narrative.—Early History of Asaad.—Becomes
known to the Missionaries.—Employed by Mr. King.—Prepares an
Answer to Mr. King's "Farewell Letter."—His Conversion.—Employed
by the Mission.—Stands on Protestant Ground.—His Constitutional
Weakness.—Puts Himself in the Patriarch's Power.—His Boldness.
—His Escape.—His Account of his Experiences.—First Effort to
Recapture him.—Second and successful Effort.—Is taken to the
Patriarch.—Imprisoned and in Chains.—The Family relent.—Barbarous
Treatment.—Increased Cruelty.—Time and Manner of his Death.—A
Martyr.—Exploration by an English Merchant.—Remarks on the
Narrative.

CHAPTER V. THE PRESS AT MALTA.—1822-1833.

Why at Malta.—Successful Publications.—Publication of the
Armeno-Turkish New Testament.—Extent of the Publications.—Singular
Use of Alphabets and Languages.—Preaching at Malta.—Missionary
Fellowship.—The Press removed to Smyrna.

CHAPTER VI. PRELIMINARY EXPLORATIONS.—1828-1831.

Need of Information.—The Author's Visit to the Mediterranean. —Results of Malta Conferences.—Explorers of Armenia.—Preparations for the Tour.—The Route.—Sojourn at Shoosha.—German Colonies. —Sufferings from Illness.—Kindness of the English Embassy in Persia.—The Nestorians of Former Ages.—How Attention was first drawn to the Nestorians.—A Week among the Nestorians.—The Published Researches.—Religious Condition of the Armenians.

CHAPTER VII. THE ARMENIANS.—1827-1835.

Effect of Mr. King's "Farewell Letter."—School of Peshtimaljian.
—Its Influence on the Priesthood.—The Erasmus of the Armenians.—A
Preparedness for Reformation.—Commencement of the Mission.
—Splendid Scenery.—Destructive Conflagration.—Schools for the
Greeks.—The Armenian Patriarch.—Accessions to the Mission.—Outset
of the Mission characterized.—Unexpected Obstacles.—Remarkable
Converts.—Removal of the Press.—Supply of School-books.—High
School.—New Missionaries.—New Stations.

CHAPTER VIII. THE ARMENIANS.—1836-1840.

Trebizond.—Favoring Circumstances.—Improvement in the Publishing
Department.—Progressive Civilization among the Turks.—Papal
Opposition.—Signs of Progress.—Education of Women.—Active
Usefulness of Der Kevoork.—Death of Peshtimaljian.—Deaths by the
Plague.—Missionary Convocation.—Remarkable Occurrence.—Serope at
Broosa.—Vertanes and Haritûn.—Year of Persecution.—Causes of the
Persecution.—The Sultan enlisted.—Deposition of the Patriarch
Stepan.—Banishment of Hohannes.—Zeal of the Persecutors.
—Coöperation of the Greek Synod.—An Imperial Firman.—Efforts to
Expel the Missionaries.—Divine Providence effectually interposes.
—The Power of the Persecution broken.—Hohannes recalled.—The
Persecutors brought low.—Stepan restored to Office.

CHAPTER IX. THE ARMENIANS.—1840-1844.

Pledges of the New Sultan.—Boarding School at Bebek.—Station
commenced at Erzroom.—Interest at Nicomedia.—The Gospel introduced
into Adabazar.—Danger from the Papacy.—Favorable Reaction.—New
Missionaries.—Publications.—Scripture Translations.—Education.
—Signs of Progress.—Visit of Vertanes to Nicomedia.—Awakening at
Adabazar.—New Missionaries.—An Anxious Sinner seeking Rest.
—Unexpected Opposition.—Hohannes goes to the United States.—A
Native Mission.—Prayer Meetings.—Publications.—Preaching to
Women.—A Turkish Execution.—Efforts of Sir Stratford Canning.—A
Second Execution.—The Ambassador's Demand on the Sultan.—The Death
Penalty no more to be Inflicted.—Importance of the Pledge.
—Sufferings from Persecution.—Changes in the Mission.—Case of Mr.
Temple.—Death of Mrs. Van Lennep.

CHAPTER X. GREECE AND THE GREEKS.—1824-1844.

The Greek Mind as affected by Circumstances.—Death of Mr. Gridley.
—Education of Greek Youth.—Result of Experience.—Marriage of Mr.
King.—His School in Poros.—He removes to Athens.—Change in the
Government.—A New Missionary.—High Schools.—Station at Argos.
—Power of the Hierarchy.—Free Circulation of the New Testament.
—Opposition to the Old Testament.—Intrigues against the Mission.
—Success notwithstanding.—Station on Scio.—Argos relinquished.
—Removal from Scio to Ariopolis.—Serious Embarrassments.—Death of
Mrs. Houston.—Religious Toleration and Political Parties.—Growth
of Intolerance.—The Station abandoned.—The Retiring Missionaries.
—Station among the Greeks of Cyprus.—Explorations.—Ignorance of
the People.—Insalubrious Climate.—Friendly Disposition of the
People.—Death of Mr. Pease.—Relinquishment of the Station.—Athens
the only Station retained in Greece.—Preaching and the Press.
—Labors among the Greeks of Turkey.—Why in great measure
Discontinued.—Valuable Results.

CHAPTER XI. THE NESTORIANS.—1833-1836.

Commencement of the Mission.—Instructions to the Missionary.—Rise
of the Nestorians.—Their Missions.—Destroyed by the Mohammedans.
—The Overland Journey of Mr. and Mrs. Perkins.—Hardships endured
in Russia.—Kindness of the British Embassy in Persia.—Remarkable
Escape.—Friends in Need.—The Field to be Occupied.—Preliminary
Measures.—Additional Laborers.—The Province of Oroomiah.—Dr.
Grant's Medical Practice.—Recollections of Dr. Grant.—When a
Missionary Physician is most valuable.—A Nestorian Wedding.
—Reducing the Language to Writing.—Rise of the Seminary for
Males.—School for Moslem Youths.—Sickness in the Mission.

CHAPTER XII. THE NESTORIANS.—1836-1840.

Escape from Assassination.—New Missionaries.—First Impressions.
—Too much Pecuniary Aid given to the People.—Native Helpers.
—Eminent Qualities of Mrs. Grant.—She commences the Female
Seminary.—Her Death.—Priest Dunka.—Robert Glen.—Schools.
—Scarcity of Scriptures in Ancient Syriac.—Dr. Grant's Desire to
enter Koordistan from the East.—Authorized to enter from the West.
—An Arduous Journey.—Battle of Nizib.—Consequent Anarchy at
Diarbekir.—Mr. Homes.—Dr. Grant goes to Mosul.—Starts for
Koordistan.—Is challenged from the Rocks.—Welcomed by the
Mountaineers.—Boldly enters Tiary.—Pleasing Meditations.—His
Reception there.—A Learned Priest.—How Received by Mar Shimon.
—The Patriarch described.—Old Parchment Copy of the New
Testament.—Visits Nûrûllah Bey.—His return to Oroomiah.—New
Missionaries.—Arrival of Press and Type.—Bold Inroad of Jesuits.
—Counteractive Influences.—Demand for Preaching.—What was the
Calamity of the Nestorians.

CHAPTER XIII. THE MOUNTAIN NESTORIANS.—1840-1844.

Invitations from the Patriarch.—Dr. Grant resolves to return Home
through the Mountains.—Ten Days at Julamerk.—Womanly Forethought.
—Arrival at Boston.—Work on the Ten Tribes of Israel.
—Missionaries for Koordistan.—Dr. Grant returns through Van.
—Again with the Patriarch.—Painful Tidings.—Hastens to Mosul.
—Journey of the New Missionaries.—Death of Mr. Mitchell.
—Sufferings and Death of Mrs. Mitchell.—Seasonable Arrival of Dr.
Grant.—Reflections.—Reception by the Jacobites.—A Syrian Priest
from India.—The Koords making War on the Nestorians.—Bishop
Athanasius.—Dr. Grant again visits Oroomiah.—A Third Time enters
the Mountains.—Guest of Mar Shimon.—The Patriarch's Coöperation.
—Mr. Hinsdale.—Papal Missionaries.—Dr. Grant visits Nûrûllah
Bey.—Returns to Mosul.—Death of Mr. Hinsdale.—Influence of Mr.
Ainsworth and Mr. Badger on the Patriarch.—Letter from Mar Shimon
to English Bishops.—Dr. Grant's Last Visit with Mr. Laurie to the
Patriarch.—Visits Bader Khan Bey.—Subjugation of the Mountain
Nestorians.—Escape of Dr. Grant.—Destruction of Tiary.—The
Patriarch flees to Mosul.—Destruction of Life.—Death of Mrs.
Laurie.—Arrival of Dr. Azariah Smith.—Death of Dr. Grant.
—Reflections on his Life and Character.—Tiary again explored.
—Discontinuance of the Western Branch of the Mission.—Disposal of
the Missionaries.

CHAPTER XIV. SYRIA.—1830-1838.

The Station at Beirût resumed.—Gregory Wortabet.—His Conversion.
—Accompanies the Missionaries to Malta.—Returns to Syria.—Active
in the Christian Life.—Respected by all Classes.—His Death.
—Disturbing Influences.—Conquest of Syria by Ibrahim Pasha.—Mr.
Bird's Letters in the Arabic Language.—Arabic Press at Beirût.
—Explorations in the Hauran.—Journal of the Tour lost in a
Shipwreck.—Presses in Syria.—Influence of the Mission.—National
Protection.—Schools.—Retirement of Mr. and Mrs. Bird.—Accessions
to the Mission.—Improvements in the High School.—Great
Improvements in Arabic Type.—Death of Mrs. Smith.—Biblical
Researches.

CHAPTER XV. THE DRUZES, AND THE WARS OF LEBANON.—1835-1842.

The Druzes.—Hope of introducing the Gospel among them.—Disposition to Hear.—Their Leading Motive.—Subdued by Ibrahim Pasha. —Increased Tendency towards a Nominal Christianity.—A Hopeful Druze Convert.—His Firmness under Persecution.—Admitted to the Church.—Striking Illustration of an Apparent Religious Interest. —Papal Opposition and its Effect.—Treatment of Papal Druzes. —Causes of Declining Interest.—Changes in the Mission.—Evidence of Progress.—Connection between Religious and Political Events. —Consequent Warlike Proceedings.—Remarkable Preservation of Mission Property.—The persecuting Emir Beshir deposed.—Changes in the Seminary.—The Mission Reassembled.—Inroad of French Jesuits. —Mistaken Policy of English Officials.—The Patriarch's Effort to expel the Americans.—English Officers better informed.—Mistake of the American Minister.—Renewed Interest among the Druzes.—Proffer of Friendly Aid.—An Unfortunate Interposition.—The Patriarch makes War to his own Ruin.—Deliverance of the Mission.—Its Favorable Prospects.—The Success of the Mission proportioned to its Efforts. —Value of the Results.—A Sudden and Disastrous Revolution.

CHAPTER XVI. SYRIA.—1842-1846.

Experiences of the Mission.—Missionary Convention.—The People all
of one Race.—The most Hopeful Districts.—When to form Churches.
—Qualifications for Church membership not to be relaxed.—Practical
Errors.—Counteracting Agencies.—Call for Preaching at Hasbeiya.—A
Secession from the Greek Church.—Attention given to the Gospel.
—Needed Explanations.—Affecting Scene.—Arrival of Persecutors.
—Seasonable Intervention.—The Protestants obliged to flee.—Their
Return.—Interference of the Russian Consul General.—Partial
Success of the Enemy.—The Jerusalem Station suspended.—The
Seminary revived.—Death of Yakob Agha.—Another War between Druzes
and Maronites.—Its Results.—Friendly Services of the
Missionaries.—Reflections on the Patriarch's Death.—After the War.

CHAPTER XVII. DR. JONAS KING AND THE GREEK HIERARCHY.—1845-1847.

Importance of this Struggle.—The Accusations against Dr. King.—His Response.—Increased Violence of the Opposition.—His Examination by a Judge.—His Book denounced at Constantinople.—The Courts against him.—Goes to the Criminal Court at Syra.—A Dangerous Gathering. —Returns to Athens.—Is offered British Protection.—Again cited for Trial at Syra.—The Citation recalled.—Alleviations.—Renewal of the Storm.—Extraordinary Accusations.—Call from the Governor of Attica.—A Guard of Soldiers.—Advice from the King.—Offer of Sir Edmund Lyons.—Retires to Geneva.—More Slanderous Accusations.—His House protected.—Subsequent Proceedings of the Government.—Goes to Malta.—Editions of his "Farewell Letter."

CHAPTER XVIII. DR. JONAS KING AND THE GREEK HIERARCHY.—1847-1869.

Returns to Athens.—His Reasons.—The Reception.—Resumes his
Labors.—His Chief Accuser discredited.—Cheering Incident.—The
Greek Synod demands his Prosecution.—An Outbreak.—Quelled by
raising the United States Flag.—Answers to a Judge.—Effect of a
New Publication.—Allegations for a New Trial.—The Trial at
Athens.—Decides to go to the Court-room openly and on foot.
—Extraordinary Sources of Proof.—His Condemnation.—Ground of the
Condemnation.—Is imprisoned.—Appeals to the Areopagus.—Which
confirms the Sentence.—Greek Lawyers dissent from the Courts.
—Appeal to the United States Government.—The Rights of
Missionaries.—The Appeal responded to.—Opinion of the President.
—Justice partially rendered.—Sentence of Banishment revoked.
—Opinion of the American Minister.—Favorable Change in the Popular
Sentiment.—Temporary Outbreak of the Old Enmity.—Unexpected
Citation.—The Judges decide not to proceed.—Coöperation of other
Missionaries.—A Revolution in the Government.—Disgrace of Old
Persecutors.—New King and Constitution.—Association of Editors.
—An Act of Public Justice.—Visit to the United States.—Return to
Greece.—Zealous Native Labors.—Conference with the President of
the Synod.—Death of Dr. King.—General Reflections.

CHAPTER XIX. THE NESTORIANS.—1841-1848.

Visit of Dr. and Mrs. Perkins to the United States.—Accompanied by
Mar Yohannan.—Schools and the Press.—Improved Type.—Health
Station.—New Missionaries.—Dr. Perkins's History of the Mission.
—His Return.—Version of the Scriptures.—Religious Influences.
—The Jesuits and French Government.—Counteracting Influences.—The
Patriarchal Family.—Hostility of the Patriarch.—Dismission of the
Schools.—Female Seminary revived.—Boys' Seminary reorganized.—On
employing the Higher Clergy.—Mr. Merrick's Connection with the
Mission.—Ordinations.—Protection for Native Christians.—The First
Revival.—Its First Fruits.—Brother of the Patriarch.—Interest at
Geog Tapa.—Interest in the Boys' Seminary.—Estimated Number of
Converts.—Modern Syriac New Testament.—Translation of the Old
Testament.—Nestorian Hymn Book.—New Missionaries.—Devastation by
the Cholera.—Dr. Wright's Visit to Bader Khan Bey.—Wonderful
Change in the Mountains.—Homeward Route.—Mar Shimon invited to
Constantinople.—Flees to Oroomiah.—Conflicting Influences upon
him.—His Apparent Friendship.—Throws off the Mask.—His Power
circumscribed.—His Unfriendly Acts.—The Government interposes.
—His Combination with the Jesuits.—Prejudicial to Both.—Death of
the King.—Providential Interpositions.—Persecution of Deacon
Tamo.—Deposition of the Great Koordish Chieftains.

CHAPTER XX. THE NESTORIANS.—1848-1852.

Mr. Stoddard Visits the United States.—Death of Mrs. Stoddard.
—State of the Schools.—Mar Shimon returns to the Mountains.—A
Visit to Mosul.—A Second Revival.—Deacon Guwergis.—Third
Revival.—Deacon John.—Deacon Jeremiah.—Various Tours.—The
Mission Enlarged.—Advance in Female Education.—Village Schools.
—Sabbath-schools.—The Monthly Concert.—Preaching Tours.—Deacon
Isaac.—Station at Gawar.—A Remarkable Youth.—Adverse Influences.
—Persecution of Deacon Tamo.—Intervention of Lieut.-Col.
Williams.—Powerful Friends.—Release of Tamo.—Favorable Results.
—Modern Syriac Bible.

CHAPTER XXI. SYRIA.—1845-1856.

Good News from the North.—Mr. Thomson Visits Aleppo.—The People
characterized.—Greek Catholic Archbishop.—Visit to Hasbeiya.—Mr.
Laurie's Return Home.—Unsuccessful Appeal for Laborers.—Relation
of the Druzes to Mohammedanism.—Successful Appeal of the Hasbeiyans
to the Turkish Government.—Desperate Resort of the Greek
Patriarch.—Formation of a Purely Native Church.—Translation of the
Scriptures into the Arabic.—Station of Aleppo.—Visit to Northern
Lebanon.—Death of Bedros.—Intelligent Men affected by the Truth.
—Another Visit to Hasbeiya.—English Protection.—Seminary at
Abeih.—Improved Arabic Type.—The Native Church.—Outrages at
Aleppo.—Effect of the Proceedings.—Pupils in the Seminary.—The
Church at Hasbeiya.—John Wortabet.—Drs. Bacon and Robinson.
—Female Boarding School.—Native Church at Abeih.—Experience in
Different Localities.—An Interesting Conversion.—Hopeful
Developments.—Opposition and its Effect.—A Church built at
Hasbeiya.—Progress of the Arabic Translation of the Scriptures.
—The Gospel at Ain Zehalty.—Northern Syria transferred to the
Armenian Mission.—Accessions and Bereavements.—General View.

CHAPTER XXII. THE ARMENIANS.—1845-1846.

The Grand Crisis.—The Persecuting Patriarch.—Mention of Bishop
Southgate.—The Patriarch's Mode of Proceeding.—His Treatment of
Bedros Vartabed.—Priest Vertanes.—The Chief Persecutors.
—Persecution at Erzroom.—Its Effect.—Central Position of
Erzroom.—Progress at Trebizond.—Persecutions.—The Patriarch
resorts to Excommunication.—Temporal Penalties enforced.—The
Patriarch and the First Protestant Pastor.—Appeals of the
Persecuted.—Charitable Aid.—Good Resulting from Evil.
—Intervention of the Government.—The Patriarch's Subterfuge.—Case
of Priest Haritûn.—A Temporary Triumph.—Cruelties at Adabazar and
Trebizond.—A British Consul interposes.—Effect of the
Persecutions.—Barbarities at Erzroom.

CHAPTER XXIII. THE ARMENIANS.—1846-1848.

Continued Persecutions.—Interposition of the English Ambassador.
—Designation of "Protestants."—A Vizierial Letter.—The
Patriarch's Hostility to the Seminary.—Its Effect.—Seminary for
Young Ladies.—Perpetual Excommunication of the Protestants.
—Consequent Organization of an Evangelical Church at
Constantinople.—Choice of Officers.—Ordination of a Pastor.
—Public Declaration of Faith.—Other Churches formed.—Early Death
of the Pastor.—The Pastor's Wife.—Der Haritûn.—Reformation at
Aintab.—Visit of Mr. Van Lennep.—Visit of Mr. Johnston.—Arrival
of Dr. Azariah Smith.—Mr. Schneider's Visit.—Trying Situation of
the Protestants.—Power of the Patriarch reduced.—Number of the
Protestants.—The Churches.—Additional Native Pastors.—Revivals of
Religion.

INTRODUCTION.

We may not hope for the conversion of the Mohammedans, unless true Christianity be exemplified before them by the Oriental Churches. To them the native Christians represent the Christian religion, and they see that these are no better than themselves. They think them worse; and therefore the Moslem believes the Koran to be more excellent than the Bible.

It is vain to say, that the native Christians have so far departed from the truth that they do not feel the power of the Gospel, and that therefore the immorality of their lives is not to be attributed to its influence. The Mohammedan has seen no other effect of it, and he cannot be persuaded to read the Bible to correct the evidence of his observation, and perhaps also of his own painful experience.

Hence a wise plan for the conversion of the Mohammedans of Western Asia necessarily involved, first, a mission to the Oriental Churches. It was needful that the lights of the Gospel should once more burn on those candlesticks, that everywhere there should be living examples of the religion of Jesus Christ, that Christianity should no longer be associated in the Moslem mind with all that is sordid and base.

The continued existence of large bodies of nominal Christians among these Mohammedans, is a remarkable fact. They constitute more than a third part of the population of Constantinople, and are found in all the provinces of the empire, as, also, in Persia, and are supposed to number at least twelve millions. Being so numerous and so widely dispersed, should spiritual life be revived among them a flood of light would illumine the Turkish empire, and shine far up into Central Asia. The followers of Mohammed would look on with wonder, and perhaps, at first, with hatred and persecution; but new views of the Gospel would thus be forced upon them, and no longer would they be able to boast of the superiority of their own religion.

It is true of the Oriental Churches, that they have lost nearly all the essential principles of the Gospel; at least that those principles have, in great measure, ceased to have a practical influence.1 Their views of the Trinity, and of the divine and human natures of Christ, are not unscriptural; but their views of the way of salvation through the Son, and of the work of the Holy Spirit, are sadly perverted. The efficacy of Christ's death for the pardon of sin, is secured to the sinner, they suppose, by baptism and penance. The belief is universal, that baptism cancels guilt, and is regeneration. They also believe baptism to be the instrumental cause of justification. Hence faith is practically regarded as no more than a general assent of the understanding to the creeds of their churches. Of the doctrine of a justifying faith of the heart,—the distinguishing doctrine of the Gospel,—the people of the Oriental Churches are believed to have been wholly ignorant, before the arrival of Protestant missionaries among them.

1 This brief description of the religion of the Oriental Churches, is condensed from a statement by that eminent missionary, Dr. Eli Smith, in a sermon published in 1833, but now accessible to very few. I often use his words, as best adapted to convey the true idea. Subsequent observations, so far as I know, have never called for any modification in his statement.

Being thus freed from the condemning power of original sin, and regenerated by baptism, men were expected to work their way to heaven by observing the laws of God and the rites of the church. These rites were fasting, masses, saying of prayers, pilgrimages, and the like, and in practice crowded the moral law out of mind. The race of merit was hindered by daily sins, but not stopped, provided the sins were of a class denominated venial. These could be canceled by the rites of the church, the most important of which was the mass, or the consecration and oblation of the elements of the Lord's Supper. That ordinance is to be observed in remembrance of Christ, but the people of the Oriental Churches are taught to look upon it as a renewal of his death. On the priest's pronouncing the words, "This is my body," the elements are believed to be changed from bread and wine, and thenceforth to contain the body and blood, the soul and divinity, of Christ; so that He is crucified afresh, and made an expiatory sacrifice for sin, every time the consecration is performed; which, in most churches, is almost every morning in the year. Its merit attaches not only to the offerer and the partaker, but to all the faithful, living and dead; especially to those who, by paying the priest, or by some other service, have their names mentioned in the prayers that form a part of the ceremony.

Thus a ministry to offer sacrifices is substituted for a ministry to feed the flock of God with sound doctrine, and the spiritual worship of God is converted into the formal adoration of a wafer. Preaching is nowhere regarded as the leading duty of the clergy, but to say mass. By exalting the eucharist into an expiatory sacrifice, the partaking of the elements by the people came to be considered quite unessential, and is generally neglected. They need not understand, nor even hear the language of the officiating priest. It is enough, if they see and adore. A bell warns them when to make the needful genuflections and crosses. Nor can there be a reasonable doubt, that the adoration of the host (which is required on pain of excommunication in the Romish Church) is the grossest species of idolatry.

But there are deadly, as well as venial, sins; and these expose the soul to eternal punishment. When these are committed after baptism, they can be remitted only by auricular confession, or the sacrifice of penance, of which confession forms an essential part. To the efficacy of this ceremony, contrition of heart is supposed, in theory, to be essential; but its necessity is rarely taught, and the great mass of the community go away from the confessional fully satisfied that their sins are canceled by the mere external form.

Pardon by the priest is not, however, absolute. Grace is restored, and eternal punishment remitted, but there must be a temporary punishment,—certain penances, such as fasting, alms-giving, saying prayers, and the like. The fasts are merely the substituting of a less for a more palatable and nutritious diet. Alms are more for the spiritual benefit of the giver, than for the relief of the receiver. The supposed efficacy of prayer has no connection with the sincerity of the offerer. For in none of the Oriental Churches, excepting the Arabic branch of the Greek Church, are the prayers in a language understood by the people.

They believe that all who die before baptism, or after baptism with deadly sins unconfessed, are lost forever; but if one die after confession, and while his penance is incomplete, he cannot be sent to hell, neither is he prepared for heaven. He must first complete his penance in a temporary state of misery. This state the papists call purgatory; and though the other churches reject the name, they cleave tenaciously to the thing. As all believe that the sufferings of the departed may be shortened by the merit of good works performed by surviving relatives and imputed to them, prayers for the dead are frequent in churches and over graves, and masses are celebrated in their name.

Though the Nestorians renounced auricular confession, they no more looked to the redemption of Christ for pardon, than did their neighbors, and they knew of no other regeneration than baptism.

There is no need of entering here on the practical influence of such a religion on the lives of the people. That will appear in the progress of our history. Enough has been said to justify the American churches in laboring to restore to the degenerate churches of the East the Gospel they had lost, especially as an indispensable means of Christianizing the Moslems of Turkey and Persia.

The Oriental communities within the range of this history, are the following:—

The GREEKS;
The ARMENIANS;
The NESTORIANS;
The JACOBITES;
The BULGARIANS;
The ROMAN CATHOLICS OF TURKEY;
The JEWS OF TURKEY; and
The MOHAMMEDANS.

The Missions are as follows:—

The PALESTINE Mission;
The SYRIA Mission;
The GREEK Mission;
The ARMENIAN Mission;
The NESTORIAN Mission;
The ASSYRIAN Mission;
The MISSION TO THE JEWS; and that to
The MOHAMMEDANS.

MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

CHAPTER I.

PALESTINE.

1819—1824.

American missions in Bible lands, like their apostolic predecessors, had a beginning at Jerusalem. The first missionaries from this country to the Oriental Churches were Pliny Fisk and Levi Parsons. On the 23d of September, 1818, they were appointed to labor in Palestine. But as, at that early period, there was special need of making the churches acquainted with the work, and foreign missionaries were less common than now, they were detained to labor at home until November of the following year, when they embarked at Boston for Smyrna, in the ship Sally Ann, Captain Edes. They were both interesting men, and the impressive public services connected with their departure were long remembered in Boston. A single extract from the official instructions of Dr. Worcester, the Corresponding Secretary of the Board, will give at once a glimpse of that remarkable man, and a view of the object of the mission.

"From the heights of the Holy Land, and from Zion, you will take an extended view of the wide-spread desolations and variegated scenes presenting themselves on every side to Christian sensibility; and will survey with earnest attention the various tribes and classes who dwell in that land, and in the surrounding countries. The two grand inquiries ever present to your minds will be, WHAT GOOD CAN BE DONE? and BY WHAT MEANS? What can be done for Jews? What for Pagans? What for Mohammedans? What for Christians? What for the people in Palestine? What for those in Egypt, in Syria, in Persia, in Armenia, in other countries to which your inquiries may be extended?"

The vessel touched at Malta, thus giving opportunity, so far as the quarantines of those times would allow, for personal intercourse with the Rev. William Jowett, of the Church Missionary Society, and afterwards one of its secretaries. He received his American brethren in that catholic spirit, which has ever characterized that society and its agents, and gave them all the aid in his power. They also received kindness from the Rev. Mr. Wilson, of the London Missionary Society, then resident in Malta, and from Dr. Naudi, a native of the island and interested in Protestant missions, though then a Roman Catholic.

The brethren reached Smyrna at the opening of the year 1820, and took lodgings in a Swiss family, where French, Italian, Modern Greek, and some Turkish were spoken, but no English. American and English residents treated them kindly, and they were specially indebted to the Messrs. Van Lennep, Dutch merchants, to whom they were introduced by Captain Edes.

In May they repaired to the Greek College in Scio, for the purpose of studying the Modern Hellenic, and there they made the acquaintance of Professor Bambas, a Greek gentleman of talent and learning, who entered into their plans with an intelligent and heartfelt interest.

It was my privilege, eight years after this, to make the acquaintance of Professor Bambas at Corfu, in the Ionian Islands, where he was connected with the University, instructing in logic, metaphysics, and practical theology, and presiding over the theological seminary connected with the University. An intelligent and judicious friend, well acquainted with him, expressed a decided opinion in favor of his piety and preaching. Bambas appeared then to be about fifty years old; and his sweet countenance enlivened by a quick eye, and the deliberation, judgment, and kindness, with which he replied to inquiries, made a most favorable impression, which subsequent intercourse fully sustained.

With such a specimen of a Greek before them, we cannot wonder that Messrs. Fisk and Parsons cherished strong hopes as to the future of the nation. They remained in Scio five months, and availed themselves of every opportunity to revive among the Greeks a knowledge of the Gospel. In November, they made a tour of about three hundred miles, visiting the places where once stood the Seven Churches of Asia, everywhere acquiring and imparting information.

After mature deliberation they decided, that the object of their mission would be most effectually promoted by their temporary separation; and that Mr. Parsons should proceed at once to Jerusalem, preliminary to its permanent occupation, while Mr. Fisk should prosecute his studies at Smyrna, under the hospitable roof of Mr. Van Lennep. The war of the Greek revolution began in the following spring, and Mr. Fisk's journal makes frequent mention of cruel atrocities committed by the Turks on their opponents in the streets of Smyrna. Prudence required him to live much in retirement. In a few short excursions, however, he distributed Bibles, Testaments, and tracts; and, during a part of the year, he supplied the place of British chaplain.

Mr. Parsons arrived at Jerusalem on the 17th of February, 1821, and was the first Protestant missionary ever resident there, with the intention of making it a permanent field of labor. His first object was to reach the multitude of pilgrims then about to congregate in the Holy City. He took with him the Scriptures in nine languages, and four or five thousand religious tracts. He had letters to Procopius, an assistant of the Greek Patriarch of Jerusalem, president of the Greek monasteries, and agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society. Convenient rooms were assigned him near the so-called holy sepulchre. During the spring he visited the principal places of interest in Jerusalem and its vicinity, including the Jordan and Dead Sea, and had reason to believe that his labors were not fruitless. As he supposed it not safe to pass the hot months of the year at Jerusalem, he resolved to spend the summer on Mount Lebanon, but civil commotions obliged him to relinquish the idea. He then turned his attention to Bethlehem, but the influence of the Greek revolt had reached Palestine, and was putting the Greeks in constant fear of their lives. His only resort was to return to Smyrna. On the voyage he first saw the new Greek flag, and was informed, by the captain of a Greek vessel of war, that the college at Scio was closed, and that Professor Bambas had saved his life only by flight. He found a temporary home at Syra, under the protection of the British consul. There he had an attack of fever, from which he recovered so far as to reach Smyrna in December.

As Mr. Parsons did not regain his health at Smyrna, the two brethren proceeded to Alexandria in Egypt, hoping much from a change of climate, and trusting that they should be able to reach Jerusalem in the spring. But such was not the will of their Heavenly Father. Mr. Parsons' disease assumed a dangerous form soon after their arrival at Alexandria, and he died early in the morning of February 10, 1822. His last words, when parting with his beloved associate, late in the evening, were, "The angel of the Lord encampeth round about them that fear him."

The character of Mr. Parsons was transparent and lovely. Few of those distinguished for piety leave a name so spotless. Though scarcely thirty years of age, such was the impression he had made on the Christian community at home, that his death was widely lamented; the more, doubtless, because of the intimate association of his name with Jerusalem, Zion, Gethsemane, and the scenes of the crucifixion. His disposition, demeanor, and general intelligence inspired confidence, and gave him access to the most cultivated society. He united uncommon zeal with the meekness of wisdom. His powers were happily balanced, and his consecration to the service of his Divine Master was entire. Mr. Fisk's account of the closing scene was beautiful and touching in its simplicity.1

1 See Missionary Herald for 1822, p. 218.

Mr. Fisk went to Cairo soon after the death of his associate, intending to proceed to Jerusalem through the desert. But hearing that the Rev. Daniel Temple had arrived at Malta as a fellow-laborer, he deemed it prudent to confer with him, before venturing upon the then very disturbed state of Palestine. He arrived at Malta on the 13th of April. How natural, after the privations of his journeys by land and sea, the seclusion from Christian society, the scenes of plague and massacre he had witnessed, and especially after the sickness and death of his beloved colleague, that he should feel the need of Christian friends, with whom to renew his strength.

Mr. Temple and his wife had embarked at Boston on the 2d of January, 1822. He had brought with him a printing-press, designed for the mission at Malta, types had been ordered at Paris, and his connection with this establishment prevented his accompanying Mr. Fisk.

An associate was provided, however, in an unexpected quarter. The Rev. Jonas King had been elected Professor of Oriental Languages in Amherst College, and was then pursuing the study of Arabic in Paris, under the celebrated orientalist De Sacy. Mr. Fisk lost no time in requesting him to become his associate. On receiving the letter, Mr. King wrote at once to the American Board, tendering his services for three years, and they were accepted. There were then neither steamers nor telegraphs, and the response of the Prudential Committee could not be received until after the favorable season for oriental traveling would have passed. Mr. King's friends in Paris and in some other European cities, therefore, advanced the needful funds to enable him to start at once, and he landed at Malta early in November. A few days later, the celebrated Joseph Wolff also arrived, for the purpose of going with Mr. Fisk to Jerusalem. The three started January 3, 1823, to go by way of Alexandria, Cairo, and the desert. During the three weeks spent in Egypt they ascended the Nile as far as Thebes, distributing Bibles and tracts at most of the villages along the river. They were able to communicate religious truths in several languages, and sold more than six hundred copies of the Bible, or parts of it. The whole number of copies distributed was eight hundred, in twelve languages, besides more than two thousand tracts.

They left Cairo without waiting for a caravan, but were joined by Turks, Arabs, Greeks, and Armenians, before entering the desert, until they numbered seventy-four persons, with forty-four camels, and fifty-seven asses.

This being their first visit to Jerusalem, it was full of interest. Here God had been pleased to dwell visibly in his temple. For many ages it was the earthly home of the Church. Here the chosen tribes came to worship. Here David tuned his harp to praise Jehovah, and Isaiah obtained enraptured visions of the future Church. Above all, here the Lord of the world became incarnate, and wrought out redemption for man. During the two months of their sojourn, they visited many places of interest to the Christian and to the Biblical student.1 For greater usefulness, they occupied separate rooms in the Greek Convent, where they received all who came unto them, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, no man forbidding them. Mr. Wolff had a room on the side of Mount Zion, near the residence of the Jews, with whom he labored almost incessantly. Impressions as to the unhealthiness of Jerusalem in summer were stronger, at that time, than subsequent experience justified, and the brethren decided, like Mr. Parsons, to pass the hot months on the heights of Lebanon. Accordingly they left the Holy City on the 27th of June, going by way of Jaffa and the coast to Beirût, where they arrived on the 10th of July. The southern portion of Lebanon, largely occupied by Druses, was then governed by the Emir Beshîr, who was called Prince of the Druses, though himself a Maronite. Not long before, having offended the Sultan, he had fled into Egypt, and there became acquainted with the missionaries. Having made his peace with the Sultan and returned to Deir el-Kamr, his capital, the brethren visited him there, and were hospitably entertained, and furnished with a firmân for travelling in all parts of his dominions.

1 See Missionary Herald, 1824, pp. 65-71, 97-101.

Mr. King took up his residence there in order to study the Arabic language. Mr. Fisk spent the summer with Mr. Way, of the London Jews' Society, in a building erected for a Jesuits' College at Aintûra, which that gentleman had hired for the use of missionaries in Palestine. In August, Mr. Wolff arrived from Jerusalem. Early in the autumn, Messrs. Fisk, Lewis of the Jews' Society, Wolff, Jowett and King, all met at Aintûra, for the friendly discussion of some practical questions relating to missions, which were soon arranged to mutual satisfaction. How many dark and troubled ages had passed, since there was such a company of Christian ministers assembled on that goodly mountain! The journals of Mr. King, here and elsewhere, have a singularly dramatic interest, and were eagerly read, as they appeared in the "Missionary Herald." Those of Mr. Fisk are also rich in the information they contain. He was able to preach in both the Italian and Modern Greek. Mr. King's labors were chiefly in the Arabic language, in which he preached the Gospel with the utmost plainness. Yet he appears to have secured in a remarkable degree the good-will of the people. He thus describes the scene connected with his departure from Deir el-Kamr, on the 22d of September:—

"A little before I left, the family appeared very sorrowful, and some of them wept. The mother wept much, and a priest with whom I had often conversed came in and wept like a child. I improved this occasion by telling him of his duty as a shepherd, and spoke to him of the great day of account, and the responsibility that rested upon him, and his duty to search the Scriptures. The family I exhorted to love the Lord Jesus Christ, to read the Word of God, and to be careful to keep all his commandments.

"It was truly an interesting scene; and I was surprised to see the feeling exhibited by the Arabs on my departure. As I left the house, they loaded me with blessings, and, as I passed through the street, many commended me to the care and protection of the Lord."1

1 Report for 1824, p. 121.

In October, Messrs. Fisk and King rode to Tripoli, supposed then to contain fifteen thousand inhabitants. From thence they proceeded to the Maronite Convent of Mâr Antonius Khoshiah, situated on the brow of an almost perpendicular mountain, where was a printing-press. Nearly all the inhabitants of that part of Lebanon are Maronites, acknowledging allegiance to the Pope. Thence they visited the Cedars of Lebanon; and then crossed the rich plain of Coelo-Syria to Baalbek, at the foot of Anti-Lebanon. Several of the places visited in this tour will come more properly into notice in the subsequent history.

Mr. Fisk returned to Jerusalem in the autumn with Mr. Jowett. Just before leaving Beirût, they had the joy of welcoming the Rev. Messrs. William Goodell and Isaac Bird, and their wives, who arrived on the 16th of October. In January, Messrs. King and Bird also went to Jerusalem.

The year 1824 was one of much activity. In February, Messrs. Fisk and Bird were the only missionaries at Jerusalem, Mr. King having gone to Jaffa. While successfully employed in selling the Scriptures to Armenian pilgrims in the city, they were apprehended, at the instigation of the Latins, and brought before Moslem judges on the strange charge of distributing books that were neither Mohammedan, Jewish, nor Christian. Holding up a copy of Genesis, the judge declared it to be among the unchristian books denounced by the Latins. Meanwhile their rooms were searched, and a crier was sent out into the city, forbidding all persons to receive their books, and ordering all that had been received to be delivered up. Their papers were examined, and some of them retained by the government. In a few days, however, through the prompt interference of the English Consul at Jaffa, their papers were all restored, and they were set at liberty. These proceedings becoming widely known, the result was, on the whole, favorable. Mr. Abbott, English Consul at Beirût, learning of the occurrence, wrote to the Pasha at Damascus, and the governor and judge at Jerusalem received an official order to restore to the missionaries whatever had been taken from them, and to secure for them protection and respectful treatment. The governor was shortly after superseded, for what cause was not certainly known; but many people, both Mussulmans and Christians, believed it was in consequence of his ill treatment of Messrs. Fisk and Bird.

Mr. Damiani, son of the English Consul at Jaffa, had come to Jerusalem on their behalf, with a letter from his father to the governor. In company with this young gentleman, the missionaries visited Hebron in February, going by way of Bethlehem. About three miles south of Bethlehem, they came to what are called the Cisterns of Solomon, three in number, of large dimensions, on the side of a hill. Mr. Fisk was informed, that Jerusalem was supplied in part by an aqueduct, which carried its waters from those fountains.1

1 Dr. Robinson says that the modern aqueduct was mostly laid with tubes of pottery; but, northeast of Rachel's tomb, he saw "the traces of an ancient aqueduct which was carried up the slope of the hill by means of tubes, or perforated blocks of stone, fitted together with sockets and tenons, and originally cemented." This was in 1842. Dr. Eli Smith drew my attention in 1845 to the same thing. Such stones are said to be seen nowhere else in that region.

The visit to Hebron had no important results. During the five months spent at Jerusalem, seven hundred copies of Scripture were sold. In the last six weeks, Mr. Fisk suffered from an attack of fever, with headache, restlessness, and tendency to delirium, and had no medical adviser. On the 22d of April, the two brethren went to Jaffa, from whence they proceeded, with Mr. King, to Beirût, where they arrived on the 4th of May. With Messrs. King, Bird, and Goodell around him, Mr. Fisk thus gives expression to his feelings: "These days of busy, friendly, joyous intercourse have greatly served to revive the spirits that drooped, to refresh the body that was weary, and to invigorate the mind that began to flag. I came here tired of study, and tired of journeying, but I begin to feel already desirous to reopen my books, or resume my journeys. We have united in praising God for bringing us to this land. I suppose we are as cheerful, contented, and happy, as any little circle of friends in our favored country. Dear brother Parsons! how would his affectionate heart have rejoiced to welcome such a company of fellow laborers to this land! But he is happier in union with the blessed above."

On the 22d of June, 1824, Messrs. Fisk and King set out for Damascus, where they expected to find peculiar facilities for Arabic studies. Aleppo being still more advantageous for them, they proceeded to that city in July, with a caravan, notwithstanding the intense heat of midsummer. On the 19th, they suffered much from exposure to the heated air, filled with sand and dust. On the 25th, they encamped at Sheikhoon, a dirty Mussulman village of a thousand inhabitants. There was neither tree nor rock to shade them. The strong wind was almost as hot as if it came from a furnace, and they had nothing to eat but curdled milk, called leben, and bread that had been dried and hardened by the heat of eight or ten days. Yet it was the Sabbath, and they declared themselves to be happy. In the last day of their journey, which was July 28, they were joined by a large caravan from Latakia, much to their satisfaction, as that day's journey was considered the most dangerous.

On the 25th of October the brethren started on their return to Beirût, going by way of Antioch, Latakia, and Tripoli, a journey of nineteen days. While traveling across the mountains, often in sight of the ruined old Roman road to Antioch, they were repeatedly drenched by the great rains of that season. No wonder the brethren of Mr. Fisk at Beirût were not a little anxious about him, amid such exposures, but his usual health seems to have returned with the cold season.

CHAPTER II.

PALESTINE.

1824-1843.

In February, 1824, the Grand Seignior, influenced, as it would appear, by Rome, issued a proclamation to the Pashas throughout Western Asia, forbidding the distribution of the Christian Scriptures, and commanding those who had received copies to deliver them to the public authorities to be burnt. The copies remaining in the hands of the distributors were to be sealed up till they could be sent back to Europe. But few copies were obtained from the people, and the Turks seemed to take very little interest in the matter.

Messrs. Fisk and King made their third and last visit to Jerusalem in the spring of 1825, arriving there on the 29th of March. On their way, they had stopped a few weeks in Jaffa, where their labors gave rise to some very absurd reports, which yet appeared credible to the superstitious people. Some said, that the missionaries bought people with money; that the price for common people was ten piastres, and that those ten piastres always remained with the man who received them, however much he might spend from them. Others said, that the picture of professed converts was taken in a book, and that the missionaries would shoot the picture, should the man go back to his former religion, and he would of course die. A Moslem, having heard that men were hired to worship the devil, asked if it were true, saying that he would come, and bring a hundred others with him. "What," said his friend, "would you worship the devil?" "Yes," said he, "if I was paid for it."

The brethren were cordially received by their acquaintances at Jerusalem. Two days afterwards, the pasha of Damascus sat down before the city, with three thousand soldiers, to collect his annual tribute. The amount to be paid by each community was determined solely by his own caprice, and what he could not be induced to remit was extorted by arrest, imprisonment, and the bastinado. Many of the inhabitants fled, and the rest lived in constant terror and distress. So great was the confusion and insecurity within and around the city, that the brethren decided to return to Beirût, where they arrived on the 18th of May. From 1822 to 1825 they and their associates had distributed nearly four thousand copies of the Scriptures, and parts thereof, in different languages, and about twenty thousand tracts. After staying a month at Beirût, Mr. King passed six weeks at Deir el-Kamr in the study of Syriac, with Asaad el-Shidiak for his teacher, a remarkable young Maronite, who will have a prominent place in this history. On returning to Beirût, Mr. King wrote a farewell letter to his friends in Palestine and Syria, which Asaad translated into excellent Arabic, and afterwards multiplied copies for distribution. It was a tract destined to exert an important influence.

Mr. King's term of service had now expired; and on the 26th of August, 1825, after three years of active and very useful missionary labors, he left Syria homeward bound. He went first to Tarsus by ship, and thence, by what proved a tedious land journey, to Smyrna. His clothes, books, papers, and several valuable manuscripts were sent by a vessel, that was taken by a Greek cruiser, and only a part of them were returned. On his arrival at Smyrna, December 4, he received the painful intelligence of the death of his beloved associate at Beirût.

Mr. King remained several months at Smyrna, waiting the recovery of his effects, making good progress, meanwhile, in the modern Greek language, and doing much service for the Greeks. He then visited Constantinople with the Rev. Mr. Hartley, of the Church Missionary Society, where he was received by several high Greek ecclesiastics with a kindness similar to that he had received from the Greeks of Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor. It was after his departure, that a copy of his Farewell Letter found its way into the hands of Armenians, who brought it before a council convened for the purpose, as will be related hereafter. He returned to France just four years from the time of his departure to enter upon his mission. Pious people were everywhere exceedingly eager to hear his statements. Enough was contributed by friends in Paris, to purchase a font of Armenian type for the press at Malta, which he ordered before leaving the metropolis. When in England he obtained funds for Arabic types, and left orders for a font in London. Mrs. Hannah More, then at an advanced age, was among the contributors. He returned home at the close of the summer of 1827, and soon after the annual meeting of the Board made a tour as agent through the Southern and Middle States, which occupied him till April of the following year. The Rev. Edward N. Kirk (now Dr. Kirk of Boston) was associated with him in this agency.

Mr. Fisk had a good constitution, and would probably have endured the climate of Syria for many years, with no more strain upon it in the way of travel, than subsequent experience warranted. The reader of the preceding pages will be prepared to apprehend special danger from his return to Beirût in a season, that was sickly beyond the recollection of the oldest of the Franks. He first spoke of being ill on Tuesday, October 11, having had a restless night. His experience was similar on several succeeding nights, but during the day he seemed tolerably comfortable, enjoyed conversation, and frequently desired the Scriptures to be read, remarking on the importance of the subjects, and the preciousness of the promises. His devotional feelings were awakened and his spirits revived by the reading or singing of hymns, such as he suggested. On the 19th his mind was somewhat affected, and he fainted while preparations were being made for removing him to his bed. The next day, according to a request he had made some time before, he was informed of the probable issue of his sickness. He heard it with composure; remarking that he believed the commanding object of his life, for the seventeen years past, had been the glory of Christ and the good of the Church. During the day he dictated letters to his father, and to his missionary brethren King and Temple. On Thursday he asked for the reading of that portion of Mrs. Graham's "Provision for Passing over Jordan," where it is said, "To be where Thou art, to see Thee as Thou art, to be made like Thee, the last sinful motion forever past,"—he anticipated the conclusion, and said, with an expressive emphasis, "That's Heaven." As the evening approached, he was very peaceful, and in the midst he spoke out, saying: "I know not what this is, but it seems to me like the silence that precedes the dissolution of nature." Becoming conscious that the fever was returning, he said, "What the Lord intends to do with me, I cannot tell, but my impression is, that this is my last night." The fever, however, was lighter than usual, and the next forenoon there was some hope that it might be overcome. Yet it returned in the afternoon, with all its alarming symptoms. At six o'clock he had greatly altered, and the hand of death seemed really upon him. At eight a physician, who had been sent for, arrived from Sidon, but Mr. Fisk was insensible. Though the physician expressed little hope of saving him, he ordered appliances which arrested the paroxysm of fever, and restored him temporarily to consciousness. He was quiet during Saturday, the 22d, and there were no alarming appearances at sunset. But before midnight all hope had fled. "We hastened to his bedside," say his brethren, "found him panting for breath, and evidently sinking into the arms of death. The physician immediately left him, and retired to rest. We sat down, conversed, prayed, wept, and watched the progress of his dissolution, until, at precisely three o'clock on the Lord's day morning, October 23, 1825, the soul, which had been so long waiting for deliverance, was quietly released. It rose, like its great Deliverer, very early on the first day of the week, triumphant over death, and entered, as we believe, on that Sabbath, of eternal rest, which remaineth for the people of God."

His age was thirty-three. As soon as the fact of his death became known, all the flags of the different consuls were seen at half-mast. The funeral was attended at four P. M., in the presence of a more numerous and orderly concourse of people, than had been witnessed there on a similar occasion.

Mr. Fisk had a strong affinity, in the constitution of his mind and the character of his piety, to the late Miss Fidelia Fiske, of the Nestorian mission, who was his cousin, and whose praise is in all the churches. He was an uncommon man. With a vigorous constitution, and great capacity for labor, he possessed a discriminating judgment, an ardent spirit of enterprise, intrepidity, decision, perseverance, entire devotion to the service of his Master, facility in the acquisition of languages, and an equipoise of his faculties, which made it easy to accommodate himself to times, places, and companies. He was highly esteemed as a preacher before leaving home. "And who," said a weeping Arab, on hearing of his death, smiting on his breast, "who will now present the Gospel to us? I have heard no one explain God's word like him!" Aptness to teach was the prominent trait in his ministerial character, and in a land of strangers, he was esteemed, reverenced, and lamented.

The following tribute to his memory is from the pen of Mr. Bird:—

"The breach his death has made in the mission, is one which years will not probably repair. The length of time which our dear brother had spent in the missionary field, the extensive tours he had taken, the acquaintances and connections he had formed, and the knowledge he had acquired of the state of men and things in all the Levant, had well qualified him to act as our counselor and guide; while his personal endowments gave him a weight of character, sensibly felt by the natives. His knowledge of languages, considering his well-known active habits, has often been to us a subject of surprise and thanksgiving. All men who could comprehend French, Italian, or Greek, were accessible by his powerful admonitions. In the first-mentioned language he conversed with ease, and in the last two, performed with perfect fluency the common public services of a preacher of the Gospel. Even the Arabic he had so far mastered, as to commence in it a regular Sabbath service with a few of the natives. At the time of his death, besides preaching weekly in Arabic, and also in English in his turn, and besides his grammatical studies under an Arabic master, he had just commenced a work, to which, with the advice of us all, he was directing, for the time, his main attention. Having in a manner completed the tour of Palestine and Syria, and having become quite at home in Arabic grammar, he felt more than ever the need of a dictionary to introduce the missionary to the spoken language of the country. The ponderous folios of Richardson are for Persia; Golius, and the smaller work of Willmet, explain only the written language. We were therefore of the unanimous opinion, that a lexicon like the one in contemplation by Mr. Fisk, was needed, not only by ourselves, but by the missionaries who should succeed us. Our dear brother had written the catalogue of English words according to Johnson, and had just finished the catalogue (incomplete of course) of the corresponding Arabic, when disease arrested him. Had he lived, he hoped to visit his native country, and probably publish some account of his Christian researches in the Levant.

"Such were some of the plans and employments of our brother and companion in tribulation, and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ, when he was called off from all his labors of love among men. He is gone, but his memory lives. Never till called to sleep by his side, shall we forget the noble example of patience, faith, and zeal, which he has set us; and the churches at home will not forget him, till they shall have forgotten their duty to spread the Gospel."1

1 Missionary Herald for 1827, pp. 101, 102.

The station at Jerusalem was suspended for nearly nine years, when unsuccessful efforts were made to revive it. The Rev. William M. Thomson, and Asa Dodge, M. D., were sent for that purpose. Mr. Thomson was the first to remove his family to Jerusalem, which he did in April, 1834. Mr. and Mrs. Nicholayson, of the London Jews Society, went with them to commence a mission among the Jews. Everything looked promising for a few weeks, and Mr. Thomson went down to Jaffa to bring up his furniture. During his absence, the Fellâhîn, roused by an order to draft every fifth man into the army, rose against Mohammed Ali, the then ruler of Syria. Jerusalem was the centre of this sudden rebellion; and Mr. Thomson, for nearly two months, found it impossible even to communicate with his family, so closely was the city besieged by the rebels. The first sense of personal danger to the mission families, arose from an earthquake of unusual severity, which extended to the coast and shook their old stone habitation so roughly that they were compelled to flee into the garden, and sleep there. Here they were exposed to the balls from the muskets of the Fellâhîn outside the walls. At length the rebels within the city somehow let in their friends outside, and it was an hour of terror when they took possession of the mission house, which was near the castle, dug loopholes through its walls, and began to fire on the soldiers of the fortress. The fire was of course returned, and the building, already shattered by the earthquake, was torn by the Egyptian cannon; while both it and the garden were filled with a multitude of lawless and angry rebels. The families found refuge in a lower room of the house, where the walls were thick, and there listened to the cannon balls as they whistled above them. The arrival of Ibrahim Pasha at length quieted the city.

Able to return to his family on the 11th of July, Mr. Thomson found his wife suffering from ophthalmia, with high inflammatory fever. Two days afterwards, Mr. Nicholayson was attacked with a fever, and the children were all sick. The case of Mrs. Thomson baffled all their skill. Convinced herself that she would not recover, the thought did not alarm her. For many weeks, she had been in the clearer regions of faith, enjoying greater nearness to God in prayer than ever before, with greater assurance of her interest in the covenant of grace through the Redeemer. She had indeed cherished the hope of laboring longer to bring some of the degraded daughters of Jerusalem to the Saviour; but the Lord knew best, and to His will she cheerfully submitted. She died peacefully on the 22d of July, 1834. The bereaved husband was apprehensive of difficulty in obtaining a suitable place for her burial; but the Greek bishop gave permission, and took the whole charge of preparing the grave.

Mr. Thomson now visited Beirût to confer with his brethren, and was advised to remove to that place. The Rev. George B. Whiting and wife and Dr. and Mrs. Dodge, were to occupy the station thus vacated, aided by Miss Betsey Tilden. Dr. Dodge accompanied Mr. Thomson on his return, and assisted him in removing his babe and his effects to Beirût; and on the 22d of October he and Mr. Whiting were on their way with their families to Jerusalem.

Early in the winter, Dr. Dodge was called to Beirût to prescribe for Mrs. Bird, who was dangerously sick. Mr. Nicholayson returned with him to Jerusalem, arriving there on the 3d of January, 1835, cold, wet, and exhausted with fatigue, having traveled on horseback nearly seventeen hours the last day. The peril of such an exposure in that climate was not realized at the time. Both were soon taken sick, and Dr. Dodge rapidly sunk, though a physician from one of the western States of America arrived at the critical moment, and remained with him to the last. He died on the 28th of January, and Mrs. Dodge removed to Beirût. The arrival of Rev. John F. Lanneau in the spring of 1836, furnished an associate for Mr. Whiting. A school was opened, and numerous books were sold to the pilgrims. Early in the next year, Tannûs Kerem of Safet was engaged as a native assistant. He was born and educated in the Latin Church, but in thought and feeling was with the mission, and enlarged their personal acquaintance and influence. In the summer the cholera appeared, and swept off four hundred victims in a month. Mr. Homes, of the mission to Turkey, was there at the time, and all devoted themselves to the gratuitous service of the sick, a thing unknown before in that region. They gave medical aid to many, nearly all of whom recovered, and thus gained many friends. Preaching was commenced in September to a small but attentive congregation. Mrs. Whiting and Miss Tilden had an interesting school, composed chiefly of Mohammedan girls. There was also a school for boys under a Greek teacher, with twenty-four pupils. In 1838, Mr. Whiting was obliged, by the protracted sickness of his wife, to visit the United States, and Mr. Lanneau was alone at Jerusalem, with Tannûs Kerem, and suffering from extreme weakness of the eyes; but was encouraged by the arrival of Rev. Charles S. Sherman and wife in the autumn of 1839. The new missionary expressed his surprise at finding the different classes so little affected by the prejudices of sect in their intercourse with members of the mission. The illness of Mr. Lanneau became at length so distressing, as to require his absence from the field for nearly two years. Before his return to the East, which was early in 1843, the Committee had expressed an opinion, that it was expedient to suspend further efforts at Jerusalem. Mr. Lanneau, however, resumed his abode there until the visit of the writer, with Dr. Hawes, in the spring of 1844, This was after there had been a protracted conference with the mission at Beirût, at which nothing appeared to affect the decision of the Prudential Committee, and Mr. Lanneau removed with his family to Beirût. Writing of Jerusalem to the Committee, Dr. Hawes says: "In regard to this city, viewed as a field for missionary labor, I saw nothing which should give it a special claim on our attention. It has indeed a considerable population, amounting perhaps to seventeen or eighteen thousand. But it is such a population as seemed to me to bear a near resemblance to the contents of the sheet which Peter saw let down from heaven by the four corners. It is composed of well-nigh all nations and of all religions, who are distinguished for nothing so much as for jealousy and hatred of each other. As to the crowds of pilgrims who annually visit the Holy City,—a gross misnomer, by the way, as it now is,—they are certainly no very hopeful subjects of missionary effort; drawn thither, as they are, chiefly by the spirit of superstition; and during the brief time they remain there, kept continually under the excitement of lying vanities, which without number are addressed to their eyes, and poured in at their ears."

The burying-ground belonging to the Board, on a central part of Mount Zion, near the so-called "Tomb of David," and not far from the city, inclosed by a stone wall, was reserved for a Protestant burying-place, to be for the use of all sects of Protestant Christians.

CHAPTER III.

SYRIA.

1823-1828.

The civil and social condition of Jerusalem and Palestine was such, on the arrival of Messrs. Bird and Goodell in 1823, that their brethren advised them to make Beirût the centre of their operations. The advice was followed; and this was the commencement of what took the name of the Syria Mission.

The ancient name of Beirût was Berytus. The city is pleasantly situated on the western side of a large bay, and has a fertile soil, with a supply of good water, sufficient in ordinary seasons, from springs flowing out of the adjacent hills. Its population and wealth have greatly increased of late. The anchorage for ships is at the eastern extremity of the bay, two miles from the city. Lebanon rises at no great distance on the east, stretches far toward the north and the south, and is a healthful and pleasant resort for Franks in summer. There is a large and beautiful plain on the south, abounding in olive, palm, orange, lemon, pine, and mulberry trees. Damascus was then distant three days, but less time is required now, by reason of the new macadamized road. Sidon might be reached in one day, Tyre in two, and Tripoli in three. An additional motive, in those troublous times, for making Beirût a central station, was the protection afforded by Mr. Abbott, a friendly English Consul.

The two brethren landed, with their wives, October 16th. During the nine mouths of their sojourn at Malta, they had made considerable progress in the Italian language, which was spoken extensively in the Levant; and now, without wholly neglecting the Italian, they applied themselves to the languages of Syria.

Mr. Bird made the Arabic—spoken by the Maronites and Syrian Roman
Catholics—his chief study; and Mr. Goodell the Armeno-Turkish,
—Turkish written with the Armenian alphabet,—which was the
language of the Armenians.

Going to Sidon for aid in his linguistic studies, Mr. Goodell formed the acquaintance of Yakob Agha, an Armenian ecclesiastic, who had dared to marry, a privilege not allowed to him as a bishop. That he might be able to defend his course, he began the study of the New Testament, and thus became impressed with the wickedness around him. He was at that time acting British agent at Sidon. Mr. Goodell also became acquainted with Dionysius, another Armenian bishop, who had committed a similar offense, and engaged him as a teacher; giving him the name of Carabet, the "Forerunner." He was a native of Constantinople, and had lived thirty-six years in the Armenian convent at Jerusalem. During the last nine of these years, he was a bishop. On account of his age, his services and acquirements, he was regarded as having the standing of an archbishop. Though in darkness on many points, and giving no satisfactory evidence of piety, he made himself useful as a teacher and interpreter, and in his intercourse with the people.

Several English missionaries were added to the Protestant force at that time, and the Papal Church became thoroughly alarmed. Letters were addressed from Rome to the Patriarchal Vicar of Mount Lebanon, the Maronite Patriarch, and the Vicar of Syria and Palestine, urging them to render ineffectual, in every possible manner, the impious undertaking of those missionaries. These letters were dated in the first month of 1824, and the firman against the circulation of the Scriptures was issued by the Grand Seignior very soon after. Though feebly enforced by the Turkish authorities this gave weight and influence, for a time, to the "anathemas," of the Maronite and Syrian Patriarchs against the "Bible men." Peter Ignatius Giarve, the Syrian Patriarch, some years before, while Archbishop of Jerusalem, had visited England, and there obtained, under false pretenses, a considerable sum of money from Protestant Christians, to print the Holy Scriptures according to the text of his own Church. He now issued a manifesto, first defending himself from the charge of deception, and then warning his flock "not to receive the Holy Scriptures, nor any other books printed and circulated by the Bible-men, even though given gratis, and according to the edition printed by the Propaganda under ecclesiastical authority." Notwithstanding all this, the brethren took a hopeful view of their prospects. "To get a firm footing," they say, "among a people of a strange speech and a hard language; to inspire confidence in some, and weaken prejudice in others; to ascertain who are our avowed enemies, and who are such in disguise; to become acquainted with the mode of thinking and feeling, with the springs of action, and with the way of access to the heart; to begin publicly to discuss controversial subjects with the dignitaries of the Church, and to commence giving religious instruction to the common people; to be allowed to have a hand in directing the studies and in controlling the education of the young; and to begin to exert an influence, however circumscribed at first, yet constantly extending and increasingly salutary,—all this, though it be not 'life from the dead,' nor the song of salvation, yet is to be regarded as truly important in the work of missions."

In the year 1824, the schools were commenced at Beirût, which have since grown into an influential system. The first was a mere class of six Arab children, taught daily by the wives of the missionaries. Soon an Arab teacher was engaged, and before the end of the year the pupils had increased to fifty. In 1826 the average attendance in the free schools of Beirût and vicinity, was more than three hundred; in the following year it was six hundred in thirteen schools, and more than one hundred of these pupils were girls. The Arabs were thought to have less quickness than the Greeks, to be less studious and ambitious, and more trifling, inconstant, and proud of little things; but many of them were lively and promising, and did themselves honor by their punctuality and application. The Romish ecclesiastics were very hostile to all these schools.

It was in the summer of 1825, that Asaad el-Shidiak became first personally known to the mission, as the instructor of Mr. King in the Syriac language. His case soon acquired an extraordinary interest, and will occupy a separate chapter.

In March, 1826, several Greek vessels entered the port of Beirût, and landed five hundred men. They were unable to scale the walls, but plundered the houses of natives on the outside. The wild Bedawîn, whom the Pasha of Acre sent to drive them away, were worse than the Greeks. They plundered without making any distinctions, and among other houses the one occupied by Mr. Goodell, but Consul Abbott obliged the Pasha to pay for what they took from the missionaries. It was afterwards ascertained, that the Maronite bishop, having learned that the leases of the missionaries would soon expire, came to Beirût just before this invasion, with an excommunication for every Maronite who should permit his house to be hired by a missionary; and prepared by bribery and intrigue to bring also the Greek bishop and the Moslem rulers to act in concert with himself, in driving Protestant missionaries from the country. The sudden landing of the Greeks obliged him to flee in the night, leaving his wicked devices unaccomplished, while the Maronites were glad to place their best houses in the hands of the missionaries.

In 1827, the missionaries hoped that about twenty of those among whom they labored, had been created anew in Christ Jesus. Among them were Asaad and Phares Shidiak, from the Maronite Church; a lady from the Latin Church; Dionysius, Gregory Wortabet, Jacob, and the wife of Dionysius, of the Armenian Church; the wife of Wortabet and Yooseph Leflufy, of the Greek Catholic Church; and Asaad Jacob and Tannûs el-Haddad, of the Greek Church. Leflufy was described as a youth of great boldness and decision, and as thoroughly convinced of the errors of his Church. In April of this year, Dionysius revisited Jerusalem, as the interpreter of German missionaries. The Armenian Convent owed him a sum of money, which it refused to pay, and forbade any Armenian in the city to speak to him. The Greeks, on the other hand, treated him with attention, and so did the Moslem governor. He returned to Beirût in company with three hundred of the Armenian pilgrims, who were no sooner out of Jerusalem than they began to treat him with kindness and respect, while they were full of inquiries as to what he and the Protestants believed, what ordinances they had, and how they observed them, with many more such questions. He was engaged in conversation with them day and night, and had full opportunity to explain his religious views, and to show them the difference between the Christianity of the New Testament, and that of the Oriental Churches; and they expressed much astonishment at his statements. Some of them were persons of respectability and influence, and declared their indignation at the treatment he had received from the convent. It is probable that these conversations had some connection with the spirit of reform among the Armenians, which not long after appeared at Constantinople.

The Rev. Eli Smith reached Beirût early in 1827. At the monthly concert in March, kept as a day of fasting and prayer, and closed with the Lord's Supper, sixteen persons were present, who were all regarded as hopefully pious. They were from America, Europe, Asia, and Africa, and were members of nine churches,—Congregational, Episcopal, Lutheran, Reformed Lutheran, Moravian, Latin, Armenian, Greek Catholic, and Abyssinian. Dionysius Carabet, Gregory Wortabet, and their wives were then received into the mission church, as was also the wife of Mr. Abbott, the English Consul, a native of Italy. This admission of converts into a church, without regard to their previous ecclesiastical relations, was a practical ignoring of the old church organizations in that region. It was so understood, and the spirit of opposition and persecution was roused to the utmost. In the Maronite and Greek Catholic churches, severe denunciations were uttered against the missionaries, and all who should render them any service.

Messrs. Goodell and Bird gave more or less time, with the help of their native assistants, to preparing useful works in the native languages. These, with Mr. King's "Farewell Letter," were copied by the pen, and were eagerly sought and gladly transcribed, and the need of a printing-press on the ground began to be felt.

Beirût was visited by the plague in the spring of 1827, but the deaths were not numerous. In August Mr. Bird, finding it needful to take his family to the mountains, ascended to Ehden by way of Tripoli, from which Ehden was distant seven hours. He went by special permission of the Emir Beshir, and was received in the most friendly manner by the Sheikh Latoof, and his son Naanui. The "Patriarch of Antioch and all the East," who resided at Cannobeen, hearing of this, proceeded at once to excommunicate the sheikh and his family, who had dared to associate "with that deceived man, and deceiver of men, Bird, the Bible-man." An infernal spirit appears in the excommunications of the Romish Church. This of Latoof and family ran thus: "They are accursed, cut off from all the Christian communion; and let the curse envelope them as a robe, and spread through all their members like oil, and break them in pieces like a potter's vessel, and wither them like the fig tree cursed by the mouth of the Lord himself; and let the evil angel reign over them, to torment them by day and night, asleep and awake, and in whatever circumstances they may be found. We permit no one to visit them, or employ them, or do them a favor, or give them a salutation, or converse with them in any form; but let them be avoided as a putrid member, and as hellish dragons. Beware, yea, beware of the wrath of God." With regard to Mr. Bird and his family, the Patriarch said: "We grant no permission to any one to receive them; but, on the contrary, we, by the word of the Lord of almighty authority, require and command all, in the firmest manner, that not one visit them, nor do them any sort of service, or furnish them any sort of assistance whatever, to protract their stay in these parts or any other. Let no one receive them into his house, or into any place whatever that belongs to him, but let all avoid them, in every way, in all things temporal as well as spiritual. And whoever, in his stubbornness, shall dare to act in opposition to this our order with regard to Bird, and his children, and his whole family, shall fall, ipso facto, under the great excommunication, whose absolution is reserved to ourself alone."

A copy of this document was furnished to Mr. Bird, by the Bishop of Ehden; who, though feeble in health, was second to no prelate of his sect in knowledge, prudence, and evangelical sentiment. On hearing the Patriarch's proclamation read in church, he is said to have fainted, and did not recover his health for weeks afterwards. As a consequence of this proclamation of the Patriarch, a rival sheikh was encouraged to make a violent assault upon Latoof, in which the latter received a severe contusion on the head, and his wife's mother had her wrist broken. Being warned of a still more determined effort to drive the missionary away, Mr. Bird thought it due to his friend to leave the place; which he did, accompanied by Naanui, leaving his wife and children, and descending to the Greek convent of Hantûra, and from thence to Tripoli. Thither the Patriarch followed him with his maledictions. He however obtained a quiet residence at Bawhyta, under Moslem protection, where he was rejoined by his family, and afterwards in the convent of Belmont. Naanui was his faithful companion through all his wanderings and sojourning on the mountains.

Mr. Bird returned to Beirût on the 22d of December, and was received by his Maronite acquaintances with unwonted cordiality.

The battle of Navarino was not the immediate cause of the suspension of the mission; but, in all the ensuing five months, there was constant apprehension of war between Turkey and the allies engaged in that battle, which was so destructive to the naval power of the Turks. The British Consulate was closed, and Mr. Abbott, their friend and protector, was obliged to withdraw privately. No reliance could be placed on the Pasha; and the Prince of the mountains had sent word, that no Frank refugees would be received in his dominions, in case of war. In the utter stagnation of trade, the missionaries could obtain no money for their bills, and no European or American vessels of war visited the port. Messrs. Goodell, Bird and Smith, in view of all these facts, thought it their duty to avail themselves of the opportunity afforded by an Austrian vessel to remove, for a season, to Malta.

They accordingly embarked on the 2d of May, 1828, taking with them Carabet, Wortabet, and their wives, and arrived at Malta on the 29th. No opposition was made. "The parting scene at our leaving, was more tender and affecting than we could have expected, and afforded a comforting evidence that, whatever may be the impression we have left on the general population, there are some hearts in Syria, which are sincerely attached to us. Many, as we passed them, prayed that God would protect us on our voyage. And others, notwithstanding the plague, came to our houses to bid us farewell. One thoughtful youth, who was with us daily, belonging to one of the first Greek families, was full of grief, and earnestly begged us to take him with us, though contrary to the will of his parents."

CHAPTER IV.

SYRIA.

THE MARTYR OF LEBANON.

1826-1830.

The conversion, life, and martyrdom of Asaad Shidiak,1 so very early in the history of this mission, is a significant and encouraging fact. He not only belonged to the Arab race, but to a portion of it that had long been held in slavish subjection to Rome. His fine mind and heart opened to the truths of the Gospel almost as soon as they were presented; and when once embraced, they were held through years of suffering, which terminated in a martyr's death. With freedom to act, he would have gone forth an apostle to his countrymen. The Arab-speaking race is estimated at sixty millions, and they must receive the gospel mainly from those to whom the language is vernacular. It will tend greatly to strengthen the faith of Christians as to this result, to contemplate the grace of God as seen in the case of this early convert. Space cannot be afforded to do full justice to the facts, which were chiefly recorded by the Rev. Isaac Bird, but the reader is referred in the margin to more ample sources of information.2

1 Written also Asaad el-Shidiak, and Asaad esh-Shidiak.

2 See Missionary Herald for 1827, pp. 68, 71-76, 97-101, 129-136, 169-177, 268-271, 369-372; for 1828, pp. 16-19, 115-119, 165, 373, 375; for 1829, pp. 15, 47, 111, 115; and The Martyr of Lebanon, by Rev. Isaac Bird, Boston, 1864, pp. 208.

Asaad Shidiak was the fourth son of a respectable Maronite, and was born about the year 1797, at Hadet, a small village a few miles from Beirût. His early training was among the Maronites. Such was his ability and fondness for learning, that his family aided him in preparing for the Maronite college at Ain Warka, the most noted seminary on the mountains. He entered the college at the age of sixteen, and remained nearly three years, applying himself diligently to rhetoric, and to natural and theological science, all of which were taught in the Arabic and Syriac languages.

Having completed his college course with the highest honor, he became a teacher, first of a common village school, and then of theology and general science in a convent. Occasionally he was permitted to deliver public lectures. His text-book in the instruction of the monks, was the theological treatise of St. Anthony of Padua, translated into Arabic; of which he made an abridgment, that is still used among the Maronites.

From about the year 1820 to 1824, Asaad was successively in the employ of the Maronite bishop of Beirût, and of several Arab chiefs. These frequent changes were apparently not for his advantage.

He next made application in person to his old college instructor, who had been elevated to the Patriarchal chair. His holiness gave him a cool reception, and reproached him for having preferred the service of sheikhs and princes to that of his bishop. Yet so valuable were his services, that he remained a while with the Patriarch, copying, illustrating, and arranging certain important documents of the Patriarchate, and making out from them a convenient code of church-laws for the Maronite nation, which has since been adopted for general use. But for some reason Asaad felt himself unwelcome, and returned home dissatisfied.

At this time the Maronite priesthood began to be alarmed by the distribution of the Scriptures, and the spread of Protestantism. The Patriarch issued a proclamation against the missionaries, and they replied. Asaad set himself to answer their reply. It was in this connection that his name first became known to the missionaries, to whom he was reported as a man of talent and high education. The dignitaries of the church did not see fit to allow his essay to be published.

In March, 1825, a well-dressed young man, of easy manners and sedate countenance, came to Beirût and asked to be employed by the mission as a teacher of Arabic. As soon as he gave his name, he was recognized as the man who was to have answered their reply to the Patriarch. He took no pains to conceal his agency in the matter, and even frankly begged the liberty of examining the original book, containing one of the most important quotations in the reply by the mission.

There was then no special need of another teacher; and though his very gentlemanly appearance and apparent frankness, and his good sense pleaded in his favor, it was thought prudent to decline his proposal. Little did those excellent brethren think, as this young man turned to go away, how soon they would welcome him to their hearts and homes, and how many thousands of Christian people, even across the ocean, would thrill in sympathy with his sufferings as a martyr for Christ.

Providence so ordered it, that Mr. King arrived from Jerusalem just in time to secure the services of Asaad before he went elsewhere. He was for several weeks Mr. King's instructor in Syriac. The two were well met, and in their frequent discussions, on the differences between the doctrines of the Gospel and those of the Papacy, Mr. King found him one of the most intelligent and skillful reasoners in all the mountains. He was shrewd, sensible, and inquisitive, candid and self-possessed, and was always as ready to hear as to speak. His age was then twenty-nine. There is no good reason to believe that Asaad was actuated, at this time, by higher than worldly motives.

At the close of his connection with Mr. King, he made another effort to secure employment from his Patriarch. Not succeeding, he became Arabic teacher to Mr. Fisk; at the same time assisting Mr. King, then about leaving the country, in preparing his celebrated "Farewell Letter" to his Arab friends. After having put this into neat Arabic style, he made a large number of copies, to be sent to different parts of the country.

On the day of Mr. King's departure from Beirût, Asaad, at the request of the mission, commenced an Arabic grammar-school for native boys. His leisure hours were devoted to composing a refutation of the doctrines contained in Mr. King's "Farewell Letter." This is his own account: "When I was copying the first rough draught of my reply, and had arrived at the last of the reasons, which, he said, prevented his becoming a member of the Roman Catholic Church; namely, their teaching it to be wrong for the commom people to possess or to read the Word of God, I observed that the writer brought a proof against the doctrine from the prophet Isaiah; namely, that if they spoke not according to the law and to the testimony, it was because there was no light in them.

"While I was endeavoring to explain this passage according to the views of the Roman Catholic Church, with no other object than the praise of men and other worldly motives, I chanced to read the twenty-ninth chapter of Isaiah from the fifteenth verse to the end. I read and was afraid. I meditated upon the chapter a long while, and feared that I was doing what I did with a motive far different from the only proper one,—the glory and pleasure of God. I therefore threw my paper by without finishing the copy, and applied myself to the reading of Isaiah.

"I had wished to find in the prophet some plain and incontrovertible proofs of the Messiahship of Christ, to use against Moslems and Jews. While thus searching, I found various passages that would bear an explanation according to my views, and read on till I came to the fifty-second chapter, and fourteenth verse, and onward to the end of the next chapter.

"On finding this testimony, my heart rejoiced and was exceeding glad, for it removed many dark doubts from my own mind. From that time, my desire to read the New Testament was greatly increased, that I might discover the best means of acting according to the doctrines of Jesus. I endeavored to divest myself of all selfish bias, and loved more and more to inquire into religious subjects. I saw, as I still see, many doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, that I could not believe, and which I found opposed to the truths of the Gospel, and I wished much to find some of her best teachers to explain them to me, that I might see how they proved them from the Holy Scriptures. As I was reading an appendix to a Bible printed at Rome by the Propaganda, and searching out the passages referred to for proving the duty of worshipping saints, and the like, I found that these proofs failed altogether of establishing these doctrines, and that to infer them from such Scripture texts was even ridiculous. Among other things, I found in this appendix the very horrible Neronian doctrine, 'that it is our duty to destroy heretics.' Now every one knows, that whoever does not believe that the Pope is infallible, is, in the Pope's estimation, a heretic. And this doctrine is not merely that it is allowable to kill heretics, but that we are in duty bound to do it.

"From this I was the more established in my convictions against the doctrines of the Papacy, and saw that they were the doctrines of the ravenous beast, and not of the gentle lamb. After I had read this, I asked one of the priests in Beirût about this doctrine, and he assured me that it was even as I had read. I then wished to go even to some distant country, that I might find a Roman Catholic sufficiently learned to prove the doctrine above alluded to."

Receiving two letters from the Patriarch, requiring him to leave the missionaries on pain of the greater excommunication, and promising to provide him a situation, he went to his friends at Hadet. But his thoughts were drawn to the subject of religion, and finding nothing in which he could take delight, he returned to Beirût, and engaged himself to Mr. Bird for a year. This was in December, 1825. For greater security, a consular protection was now obtained for him from Mr. Abbott, which ensured him, while in the employ of the mission, all the liberty and safety of an English resident. There was no American Consul in the country at that time. He now applied himself to searching the Scriptures, and discussing religious doctrines. Discarding all unwritten traditions, the Apocryphal books, and all implied dependence on the fathers and councils, he found himself standing, in respect to his rule of faith, on Protestant ground.

With all his strong points of character, Asaad had the constitutional weakness of being artless and confiding. In January, 1826, the Patriarch sent his own brother, as a special messenger, inviting Asaad to an interview, and making him flattering promises. The consultation with the priest was private, but it soon appeared, that Asaad was disposed to comply with the patriarchal invitation. It was suggested to him, that the Patriarch was meditating evil against him; but his reply was that he had little fear of it, that the Maronites were not accustomed to take life, or to imprison men, on account of religion. So confident was he that good would result from the visit, that the brethren in the mission ceased to urge their objections. On reaching the Patriarch's convent, he thus wrote:—

"I am now at the convent of Alma, and God be thanked, I arrived in good health. As yet, however, I have not seen his blessedness.

"I pray God, the Father, and his only Son, Jesus Christ our Lord, that He will establish me in his love, and that I may never exchange it for any created thing; that neither death, nor life, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor riches, nor honor, nor dignity, nor office, nor anything in creation, shall separate me from this love. I beg you to pray to God for me, which request I make, also, to all the believers."

Several weeks brought no farther direct intelligence, and there were conflicting reports, which awakened apprehension as to his safety. In the latter part of February, a messenger was sent to obtain accurate knowledge of his situation. The man saw him at the convent of Alma, and had a short private interview. Asaad said, that three things were before him; either to be regarded as mad, or to commit sin, or to offer up his life; but he was ready, he said, to go to prison, or to death. He was engaged in daily controversy with the Patriarch, the Bishop, and others. The main topics on which he insisted, were the necessity of a spiritual religion in distinction from mere forms, the sufficiency of Scripture, and the absurdity of holding the Pope to be infallible. The Patriarch was highly displeased with these bold sentiments, and gave utterance to cruel threats, though at other times offering promotion and money.

Asaad objected to the plan of rescuing him by consular authority, as it might endanger his life. He thought it best to await some providential opening for his escape. One soon occurred. After a week, he left the convent at midnight. The mountain paths were narrow, stony, and crooked, and he often found himself astray, stumbling over rocks and hedges, wading in brooks, or miring in mud. Reaching the sea-shore, he found a shelter under which he rested for a while, and then walked on to Beirût, where he was received most joyfully. The Patriarch and his train were engaged in morning prayers when Asaad's escape was announced. There was great excitement. One man among them, who had sympathized with Asaad, ventured to speak out in his justification. "You had reason," he said, "to expect nothing else. Why should he stay with you here? What had he here to do? What had he to enjoy? Books he had none; friendly society none; conversation against religion abundant; insults upon his opinions and feelings abundant. Why should he not leave you?" Messengers were sent in quest of him in every direction, but in vain.

Asaad's written account of his experiences during his absence on the mountains, is very interesting, but there is not room for even an abridgment of it.1 A few of the incidents may be noted. The chief object of the Patriarch was to induce him to say, that his faith was like that of the Romish Church. This he declined doing, as it would be a falsehood. The Patriarch offered to absolve him from the sin of falsehood, to which Asaad replied, "What the law of nature condemns, no man can make lawful." Accompanied by a priest, he visited his own college of Ain Warka, but gained no light; and the same was true of his visit to the superior of the convent of Bzummár, who desired to see him. It is a suggestive fact, that the infallibility of the Pope, even then, was everywhere a controverted point between him and the priesthood. The weakness of the reasoning on the papal side was everywhere so apparent to him, as greatly to strengthen his evangelical faith. In one of his interviews with the Patriarch he said: "I would ask of you the favor to send from your priests two faithful men to preach the Gospel through the country; and I am ready, if necessary, to sell all I possess and give it towards their wages." He afterwards offered to go himself and preach the Gospel. But neither of these proposals was accepted.

1 See Missionary Herald for 1827, pp. 71-76, 97-101.

He was at length deprived of his books, and severely threatened by the Patriarch. "Fearing," he says, "that I should be found among the fearful (Rev. xxi. 8), I turned, and said to him, 'I will hold fast the religion of Jesus Christ, and I am ready, for the sake of it, to shed my blood; and though you should all become infidels, yet will not I;' and so left the room."

Asaad says, in his narrative: "A friend told me, that the Patriarch wondered how I should pretend that I held to the Christian religion, and still converse in such abusive terms against it. And I also wondered, after he saw this, that he should not be willing so much as to ask me, in mildness and forbearance, for what reasons I was unwilling to receive the doctrines of the Pope, or to say, that I believed as he did. But, so far from this, he laid every person, and even his own brother under excommunication, should they presume to dispute or converse with me on the subject of religion. Entirely bereft of books, and shut out from all persons who might instruct me, from what quarter could I get the evidence necessary to persuade me to accept the Patriarch's opinions?

"Another cause I had of wonder was, that not one of all with whom I conversed, when he thought me heretical, advised me to use the only means of becoming strong in the faith, namely, prayer to God Most High, and searching his Holy Word, which a child may understand. I wondered, too, that they should ridicule and report me abroad as insane, and after all this, be afraid to engage in a dispute with the madman, lest he should turn them away from the truth."

As the Patriarch, and the Bishop of Beirût, whose diocese included Hadet, were determined to shut him out from the people, and even threatened his life, Asaad resolved on escaping to Beirût, which he accomplished, as already stated, on the morning of Thursday, March 2, 1826.

Asaad's statement was forthwith copied and sent in various directions through the mountains, and afterwards it had a much wider circulation in a printed form.

The Patriarch's first effort to recapture the fugitive, was by means of a Turkish sheriff, and it failed. On the following Monday, an uncle and the two elder brothers of Asaad came to see what they could do; and they were followed by another brother, and then by the mother and her youngest son. The older brothers were loud and violent in their denunciations. All these the persecuted young Christian met with a calm firmness, but he was at one time almost overcome by the distress of his mother. She was at length pacified by the declarations, that he was not a follower of the English, that he derived not his creed from them, that he believed in the Trinity, that Jesus was God, and that Mary was his mother. Phares, the youngest brother, consented to receive a New Testament, and was evidently affected and softened by the interview.

On the 16th of March, Asaad received a kind and fatherly epistle from the Patriarch, begging him to return home, and relieve the anxieties of his mother and family, and giving him full assurance, that he need not fear being interfered with in his freedom. He was thus approached on his weak side. Too confiding, he really believed this insidious letter, and that he might now go home and live there with his religion unshackled. He wrote a favorable reply. The family was doubtless urged to make sure of the victim before anything occurred to change his mind, and the very next day four of his relations, including Phares, came to escort him to Hadet. The missionaries all believed it perilous, and so he thought himself, but he believed, also, that there was now a door opened for him prudently to preach the Gospel. At Beirût, he said, he could only use his pen, "but who is there in this country," he asked, "that reads?" One of the sisters of the mission said, as she took him by the hand, that she expected never to see him again in this world. He smiled at what he regarded her extravagant apprehension, returned some quiet answer, and proceeded on his way, never to return.

Asaad was treated harshly by his older brothers, and had reason to regard his life as imperiled: "I am in a sort of imprisonment," he said, "enemies within, and enemies without," Towards the last of March, twenty or more of his relations assembled, to take him to the Patriarch by force. He expostulated with Tannûs, the eldest of the family except one, as the chief manager in the affair, and besought him to desist from a step so inconsistent with their fraternal relations. The unnatural brother turned from him in cold indifference, which so affected Asaad that he went aside, and prayed and wept.

In the evening, he at one time addressed the whole assembled company in this manner: "If I had not read the Gospel, I should have been astonished at this movement of yours; but now I see through it all. It is just what the Gospel has told me to expect; 'The brother shall deliver up the brother to death, and a man's foes shall be they of his own household.' Here you see it is just so. You have assembled together here to fulfill this prophecy of the Gospel. What have I done against you? What is my crime, that it should have called together such an assemblage? Be it that I take the blessed Bible as my only guide to heaven, does that injure you? Is it a crime that renders me worthy of being taken as a malefactor, and sent into confinement?"

Surrounded, as he was, by men insensible to pity, the mother's heart was deeply moved seeing him arrested and borne away as if he had been a murderer. She wept, and Asaad sympathized with her, and turned his back on the home of his childhood, weeping and praying aloud.

He was first taken to the convent of Alma, and then to Canobeen. That convent, where he was destined to wear out the miserable remainder of his life, was in one of the wildest and least accessible recesses of Lebanon.

More than a mouth passed without intelligence, when the Mission received reliable information, that Asaad was in prison, and in chains, and that he was beaten a certain number of stripes daily. A cousin was afterwards permitted to visit him, and reported that he found him sitting on the bare floor, his bed having been taken from him, with a heavy chain around his neck, the other end of which was fastened to the wall. He had also been deprived of all his books and writing utensils. Fruitless efforts were made to effect his deliverance, and his family at last relented, and joined in the efforts. The mother accompanied one of the older sons to Canobeen, and found him in chains, which she had not been willing to believe till she saw it for herself. So decided were the two younger brothers in their movements on his behalf, that they had to consult their own safety in flight. Once they almost succeeded. Asaad himself, under the pressure of his sufferings, made several attempts to flee, but not knowing the way, he was easily apprehended, and the only effect was an aggravation of his misery. A priest gives the following account of his treatment, after one of these failures. "On his arrival at the convent, the Patriarch gave immediate orders for his punishment; and they fell upon him with reproaches, caning him, and smiting him with their hands; yet as often as they struck him on one cheek, he turned to them the other. 'This,' said he, 'is a joyful day to me. My blessed Lord and Master has said, Bless them that curse you; and if they strike you on the right cheek, turn to them the other also. This I have been enabled to do; and I am ready to suffer even more than this for Him who was beaten, and spit upon, and led as a sheep to the slaughter on our account.' When they heard this, they fell to beating him anew, saying, 'Have we need of your preaching, you deceiver? Of what avail are such pretensions as yours, who are in the broad road to perdition?' He replied, 'He that believeth that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, hath eternal life.' 'Ah,' said they, 'this is the way you are blinded. Your salvation is by faith alone in Christ; thus you cast contempt on his mother, and on his saints. You believe not in the presence of his holy body on the earth.' And they threw him on the ground, and overwhelmed him with the multitude of their blows."

For three successive days he was subjected to the bastinado, by order of the Patriarch. Remaining firm to his belief, he was again put in chains, the door barred upon him, and his food given him in short allowance. Compassionate persons interceded, and his condition was alleviated for a time, but no one was allowed to converse with him. After some days, aided, it is supposed, by relatives, he again fled from the convent, but was arrested by soldiers sent out in search of him by the Emeer Abdallah, and delivered to the Patriarch. "On his arrival," says a priest who was with him at Canobeen, "he was loaded with chains, cast into a dark, filthy room, and bastinadoed every day for eight days, sometimes fainting under the operation, until he was near death. He was then left in his misery, his bed a thin flag mat, his covering his common clothes. The door of his prison was filled up with stones and mortar, and his food was six thin cakes of bread a day, and a cup of water."

To this dungeon there was no access or outlet whatever except a small loop-hole, through which they passed him his food. Here he lay several days, and its ever-increasing loathsomeness need not be described. No wonder he cried: "Love ye the Lord Jesus Christ according as He hath loved us, and given himself to die for us. Think of me, O ye that pass by; have pity upon me, and deliver me from these sufferings."

A certain priest, who had been a former friend of Asaad, was touched with compassion, and by perseverance succeeded in once more opening his prison doors, and taking off his chains. But he also became suspected in consequence of his kindness to Asaad, and it is not known how long the sufferer was allowed this partial freedom. One of his brothers visited him in 1828, and found him inclosed within four solid stone walls, as in a sepulchre "full of all uncleanness." In 1829, there appears not to have been any mitigation of his sufferings. For three years or more, the priestly despot had him under his heel, and inflicted upon him the greatest amount of suffering compatible with the continuance of life.

His death is supposed to have occurred in October, 1830. Public opinion was divided as to the cause and manner of it. The Patriarch said it was by fever. There is the same uncertainty as to the manner of his burial. But though thrown down into the ravine and covered with stones, as was alleged, his dust will ever be precious in the eyes of the Lord.

Asaad maintained his Christian profession to the last, and he must ever have an honorable place among the Christian martyrs of modern times.

Soon after the capture of Acre by Ibrahim Pasha, in 1832, Mr. Tod, an English merchant, accompanied by Wortabet, obtained an audience with him, and made known the case of Asaad. The Pasha directed the Emir Beshir to furnish ten soldiers to Mr. Tod, with authority to search the convent of Canobeen by force, if necessary. He was received by the Patriarch and priests of the convent with dismay. They asserted that Asaad had died two years before, pointed out his grave, and offered to open it. The convent was thoroughly searched, but he was not found, and Mr. Tod was convinced that he was really dead.1

1 Missionary Herald for 1833, pp. 51-57.

When it is considered how severely and in how many ways Asaad was tried, his faith and constancy appear admirable. His pride of intellect and authorship, and his reputation for consistency, were opposed, at the outset, to any change in his religious opinions. Then all his reverence for his ecclesiastical superiors and his former tutors, some of whom were naturally mild in their tempers, and his previous habits of thought, withstood his yielding to the convictions of conscience and the authority of Scripture. Next, the anathemas of the Church, the tears of a mother appalled by the infamy of having an apostate son, the furious menaces of brothers, and the bitter hatred of masses stirred up by an influential priesthood, combined to hold him back from the truth. All these things were preparatory to being seized by indignant relatives, chained to his prison walls, deprived of the New Testament and other books, and of every means of recreation, refused even those bodily comforts which nature renders indispensable; in such a forlorn condition, exposed to the insults of a bigoted populace and the revilings of a tyrannical priesthood, beaten till his body became a mass of disease, and held in this variety of grief for years, without one ray of hope, save through the portals of the tomb, who expected that he would endure steadfastly to the end?

On the other hand, if he would only recant, promotion awaited him, and wealth, indeed everything that could be offered to prevent a dreaded defection. How many are there, with all our knowledge and strength of religious principle, who, in his situation, would like him be faithful unto death?

CHAPTER V.

THE PRESS AT MALTA.

1822-1833.

The location of the press at Malta, was not the result of design, but because printing could not be done safely, if at all, either at Smyrna or at Beirût. Its operations were begun under the impression of a more extended taste for reading and reflection in the several communities of the Levant, than really existed; and it is doubtful whether the larger part of the earlier publications were well suited to the apprehension of the Oriental mind. However this may be, it was decided, in the year 1829, to make it a leading object, for a time, to furnish books for elementary schools; making them, as far as possible, the vehicles of moral and religious truth. The wisdom of this course was seen among the Greeks. A first book for schools of sixty pages, called the Alphabetarion, went into extensive use. Twenty-seven thousand copies were called for in Greece before the year 1831.

There had been more or less of printing since 1822; but it was not until the close of 1826, that the arrival of Mr. Homan Hallock furnished a regular and competent printer. In the year following, Mr. Temple was bereaved of his excellent wife and of two children, and at the invitation of the Prudential Committee he visited the United States. Meanwhile the presence of Messrs. Bird, Goodell, Smith, and Hallock kept the press in operation. Mr. Temple returned in 1830.

The establishment consisted of three presses, with fonts of type in English, Italian, Modern Greek, Greco-Turkish, Armenian, Armeno-Turkish, and Arabic, but the greater part of the printing was in the Italian, the Modern Greek, and Armeno-Turkish. The most important work was the translation of the New Testament in the Armeno-Turkish, which was printed at the expense of the British and Foreign Bible Society. It was prepared from two translations, one by Mr. Goodell, with the efficient aid of Bishop Carabet, the other by an Armenian priest at Constantinople, in the employ of Mr. Leeves, agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society. Mr. Goodell's version was made conformable to the original Greek, and the last sheet was printed in January, 1831. During that year, there were printed seventy-eight thousand copies of fourteen works, amounting to nearly five millions of pages, all in modern Greek. The whole amount of printing at Malta, from the establishment of the press in July, 1822, to December, 1833, the time of its removal to Smyrna, was about three hundred and fifty thousand volumes, containing twenty-one millions of pages. Nearly the whole were put in circulation, and additional supplies of some of the books were urgently demanded. The Roman Catholics opposed this work from the first, and anathematized the books issued.

The labor and expense were increased by the singular use of alphabets in the Levantine regions. The Maronites and Syrians spoke the Arabic language, but employed the Syriac alphabet in writing. The Armenians, to a large extent, spoke the Turkish language, but wrote it with the Armenian alphabet. The Greeks in Asia generally spoke the Turkish language, but used the Greek alphabet. The Grecian Jews spoke the Grecian language, the Spanish Jews the Spanish, the Barbary Jews the Arabic, but all three used the Hebrew alphabet. Then, too, the worship of the Syrians, Greeks, and Armenians was in the ancient languages of those nations, which were for the most part unintelligible to the common people.

Mr. Temple began preaching in Italian early in 1826, and during his
whole residence on the island he preached every Sabbath, either in
Italian or English. The rule he prescribed for himself, whether
preaching to Gentiles or Jews, was to preach the great truths of the
Bible plainly and faithfully, appealing as little as possible to
Fathers, Councils, or Rabbins. Contemporary with him were Mr.
Jowett, of the Church Missionary Society, Mr. Wilson, of the London
Missionary Society, and Mr. Keeling, of the English Wesleyan
Society, and all were on the best terms of Christian fellowship.

In December, 1833, Messrs. Temple and Hallock removed to Smyrna, with the printing establishment, and Dionysius Carabet accompanied them as a translator. Wortabet had previously returned to Syria.

CHAPTER VI.

PRELIMINARY EXPLORATIONS.

1828-1831.

Enough was known, in the year 1828, to encourage the belief, that Greece and Western Asia would soon demand a more extensive prosecution of the missionary work; but more specific information was indispensable to an intelligent enlargement. The temporary suspension of the Syrian mission had brought the whole of the missionary force of the Board in that part of the world to Malta (except that Mr. Temple was on a visit to the United States), thus making consultation easy. Other reasons called for a more free and extended official intercourse than could be held by letter. Accordingly the author, then Assistant Secretary of the Board, was sent to Malta at the close of 1828, with instructions to confer with the brethren, and afterwards to visit Greece and other parts of the Levant. The conferences at Malta occupied two months, and aided much in determining subsequent measures. When these were over, the author, in company with the Rev. Eli Smith, afterward so favorably and widely known in the Christian world, visited the Ionian Islands, the Morea, and the Grecian Archipelago. Count John A. Capodistrias was then President of Greece, and had his residence on the island of Ægina. Athens was still held by the Turks. It was made incumbent on the author to propose inquiries to the President on certain points, and this was rendered easy by his urbanity and his frank and explicit answers. The inquiries were mainly for gaining the needed information; and they elicited some facts which deterred the Committee from a class of expenditures, that would have been in accordance with the popular feeling at that time, but might have proved a fruitful source of disappointment. Mr. King was then in Greece as a philhellene, in charge of supplies sent by ladies in New York to be distributed among the impoverished people. Perhaps the most important result of this negotiation with the Greek government, besides facilitating Mr. King's protracted and useful connection with the Greek mission, was a written assurance by the chief ruler of the nation, that among the books to be used in the schools of Greece should be the Bible, the New Testament, and the Psalms, all translated and printed in modern Greek.

Among the results of the consultations at Malta, was Mr. Bird's visit to Tripoli and Tunis on the African coast, for which he was specially qualified by his free use of the Arabic language. He had opportunities at Tripoli for conversing with Jews, Moslems, Papists, and persons of no religion. His books and tracts were chiefly in the Hebrew and Arabic languages. At Tunis, he distributed copies of the Scriptures, but in neither place did there seem to be a sufficient opening for instituting a mission.

Another result of the Malta conferences was the distribution of the mission forces; Mr. Bird to Syria, Mr. Goodell to Constantinople, and Mr. Smith for an exploring tour among the Armenians of Turkey. Soon after the return of the Assistant Secretary, the Rev. H. G. O. Dwight was designated to accompany Mr. Smith in his proposed tour of exploration, and the Rev. George B. Whiting as the companion of Mr. Bird on his return to Syria. Mrs. Dwight was to remain at Malta during her husband's absence.

The two explorers sailed for Smyrna in March, 1830, in the same vessel which had brought Mr. Dwight from Boston. After some days at Smyrna, in the family of Mr. Brewer, who had returned to that place in connection with a society of ladies in New Haven, they went overland to Constantinople. This was a journey of eight days, and was made necessary by the long detention, to which sailing vessels were liable from north winds at the mouth of the Dardanelles. The time for steamers had not yet come in these regions.

The departure from Constantinople was near the close of May, in the most charming season of the year. As in the journey from Smyrna, they put themselves under a Tartar, who, for their greater security, had set his seal to a written contract in presence of the Tartar aghasy. The government became thus responsible for their persons and property. Instead of trunks, they had two large bags, two saddle-bags, and two valises, all of thick Russian leather, fastened with padlocks, and impermeable to water. Instead of mattresses, each had a carpet and coverlet rolled in painted canvas, that served as a floor at night, when it was their lot to lie on the ground. Each had an ample Turkish pelisse, lined with the fur of the Caucasian fox. Four copper pans, a mill for grinding coffee, a pot, cups, and a knife, fork, and spoon for each, were their utensils for cooking and eating. A circular piece of leather served for a table when spread upon the ground, and when drawn together like a lady's reticule, and suspended from the saddle, it formed a bag to carry their bread and cheese. The whole was so compact as to require, on ordinary occasions, but a single extra horse. As the Turkish post furnished only horses, they were obliged to add saddles and bridles to their other accoutrements; and to their saddles, as was usual, were attached holsters, to deter from hostile attacks upon them. To avoid unnecessary notice, expense, and trouble, if not insult, they wore loose Turkish robes, the Oriental turban, and the enormous Tartar stockings and boots. Of course they had also the needful firmans, passports, and letters of introduction.

Their route lay along what at that time might be called, for the most part, the high road to Tabriz, and passed through Tokat, Erzroom, Kars, Tiflis, Shoosha, Nakhchevan, Echmiadzin, and Khoy, a distance of more than fifteen hundred miles. At Tokat, the travellers visited the grave of Henry Martyn, who died there in 1812. On the 13th of June, they entered Erzroom, then in possession of an invading army of Russians; which soon retired, and was accompanied by a large portion of the Armenian population in that district. The Turks of Erzroom found it hard to comprehend from what country the travellers came. Kars, Tiflis, Shoosha, and Echmiadzin had been subjected to Russian rule. Tiflis was the capital of Georgia. Shoosha, where they arrived about the middle of August, worn down by fatigue in descending the insalubrious valley of the Koor, or Cyrus, was then the seat of a German mission, which gave a cordial reception to their American brethren. The cholera prevailed in all that region, and it was estimated that as many as seventy thousand people died of it, during the two months and a half our travellers spent in Shoosha. They gave an interesting account of the German colonies in Georgia, which had their origin in extravagant views concerning the millennium. "Previous to 1817, several popular and ardent ministers in the kingdom of Würtemberg maintained, in commentaries on the Apocalypse and other publications, that the wished-for period would commence in 1836, and would be preceded by a dreadful apostasy and great persecutions. These views, in addition to the fascinating interest always connected with prophetical theories, being enforced with much pious feeling, acquired so great credit as to be adopted by nearly all the religious people in the kingdom, and by many others. At the same time, the advocates of the neological system, being the predominant party in the clergy, succeeded in effecting some alterations in the prayers and hymns of the Church in accommodation to their errors. This grieved exceedingly all who were attached to evangelical principles, and was taken to be the apostasy they expected. Their prophetical teachers had intimated that, as in the destruction of Jerusalem the Christians found a place of refuge, so would there be one now, and that, somewhere in the vicinity of the Caspian Sea. Many, therefore, of the common people determined to seek the wished-for asylum, that they and their children (for whom the better sort were particularly anxious) might escape the impending storm, and also be able to form an independent ecclesiastical establishment according to their own notions. To these were joined others desirous of change, or in straitened circumstances, who though not at heart pious, professed for the time to be influenced by the same principles and motives. In fact the latter became the most numerous. The company, when it left Würtemberg, consisted of fifteen hundred families. But no adequate arrangement having been made for the journey, and the sinister motives of the majority contributing to create disorder, they suffered exceedingly on the way, and before they reached Odessa, two thirds had died."1 The number of the colonists, in 1832, was about two thousand, but their enterprise had not been successful.

1 Missionary Researches in Armenia, vol. i. p. 264.

On the way from Echmiadzin to Tabriz, a distance of nearly two hundred and fifty miles, Mr. Smith suffered greatly from illness. When seventy miles from that city, his strength gave out entirely, so that he could go no farther with the conveyances then at command. His life was probably saved by Mr. Dwight's sending a messenger to the gentlemen of the English embassy at Tabriz, requesting the aid of a takhtirewán, the only native carriage known to the Persians. It resembles a sedan-chair, except in being borne by two mules or horses, and closed from the external air, and in requiring a lying posture. The vehicle soon arrived; but was preceded by Dr. McNeill, the physician and first assistant of the embassy, who then commenced those acts of kindness which ever endeared him to the Nestorian mission. Colonel McDonald, the ambassador, had lately died, and Dr. McNeill was soon obliged to leave for Teherán. Dr. Cormick, who had healed Henry Martyn of a similar disease, then took the medical charge of Mr. Smith. After their long experience of filthy stables, the comfortable, well-furnished apartments provided for them at Tabriz, through the generous hospitality of Major Willock, former commander of the English forces in Persia, and Captain Campbell, the acting Envoy, were more grateful to the weary travellers than can well be conceived. Mr. Nisbit, an officer in the commissariat department, together with his wife, entered fully into their feelings as missionaries, and sympathized with them in their views of the spiritual wants of the country.

Messrs. Smith and Dwight were required by their instructions, to investigate and report on the condition of the Nestorians inhabiting the northwestern province of Persia. In former ages, this people had been distinguished beyond any other Christian people—except perhaps, their contemporaries in Ireland—for missionary zeal and enterprise. From the seventh to the thirteenth centuries, they had missions both in central and eastern Asia. Previous to the overthrow of the Califate, A. D. 1258, their churches were scattered over the region forming modern Persia, and were numerous in Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Arabia. They had churches in Syria; on the island of Cyprus; among the mountains of Malabar; and in the extended regions of Tartary, from the Caspian Sea to Mount Imaus, and beyond through the greater part of what is now known as Chinese Tartary, and even in China itself. The names of twenty-five metropolitan sees are on record, embracing of course a far greater number of bishoprics, and still more numerous congregations.

These facts, though known to learned historians, had fallen out of the popular mind. Indeed, they were not in the recollection of the executive officers of the American Board, when the author drew up the instructions to Messrs. Smith and Dwight. But while preparing them, his attention was incidentally drawn to a brief article in a Virginia publication, from the pen of Dr. Walsh, British chaplain at Constantinople, entitled "Chaldees in Persia;" and it was the impression made by that article, which led to a positive direction to visit that people, should it be found practicable, and see whether the churches in this western world had any duty to perform to them. The English at Tabriz confessed to an almost entire ignorance of the religious doctrines and character of the Nestorians. The only important fact our brethren could learn there was, that a considerable body of them were accessible in the provinces of Oroomiah and Salmas, at the distance of somewhat more than a hundred miles.

Our travellers remained at Tabriz from the 18th of December to March, 1831, when restored health and the opening season permitted them to resume their journey. In Salmas, they first came in contact with the Chaldeans, as those Nestorians were called who had been won over by Roman Catholic missionaries since the year 1681. The name means no more than papal Syrians, or papal Armenians. Some of their bishops and priests had been educated in the college of the Propaganda at Rome, and spoke Italian fluently. The Chaldeans were reported, at that time, as a neglected and declining sect.

Passing from Salmas into the province of Oroomiah, the travellers were received by the Nestorians in the most friendly and confidential manner, and the week passed among them was intensely interesting. While showing very clearly the need the people were in of religious instruction, they gave as additional considerations in favor of sending missionaries to them, their extreme liberality towards other sects, their ideas of open communion, and their entire rejection of auricular confession.

The return of Messrs. Smith and Dwight was by way of Erzroom and Trebizond, thence by sea to Constantinople and Malta, at which last place they arrived on the 2d of July, 1831, after an absence of fifteen months and a half. In this time, their land travel exceeded two thousand and five hundred miles.

The results of their inquiries were embodied by Mr. Smith, during a visit to his native land, under the title of "Researches in Armenia, including a Journey through Asia Minor and into Georgia and Persia, with a Visit to the Nestorian and Chaldean Christians," and were published in two volumes in Boston, and republished in London. Though nearly forty years have since elapsed, there is still a freshness of interest in the entire work, which makes it matter of regret that it is now out of print. The religious condition of the Armenians at that time, is comprehensively stated in the following paragraphs:—

"The slightest acquaintance with ecclesiastical history may convince one, that before the commencement of the fourth century, Christianity had extensively degenerated from its original purity as a religion of the heart, into a mere profession of theoretical dogmas, and the observance of external rites. Such, it is natural to suspect, was the form of it to which the Armenians were at that period converted; and the circumstances of the event, if national tradition has correctly preserved them, confirm the suspicion, that they have from the beginning known extremely little of true conversion. We are told that immediately upon King Durtád's embracing the faith, the nation followed his example in a body, and were baptized. To say nothing of the doubtfulness of all national conversions, the very hastiness of this proceeding, by allowing no time for competent instruction, shows that the Armenians could not have been enlightened converts; the fact that the Scriptures were not translated into their language until a century afterward, is an additional indication of the scantiness of their religious knowledge; and the confessed backsliding of many of the nobility into the most scandalous immoralities and the blackest crimes, even during the lifetime of Durtád, proves how superficial was their conversion.

"Thus the Armenian Church was a soil well adapted to the rapid growth of all the corruptions, which from that time sprang up, in such speedy succession, in different parts of the Christian world. Even those which then existed were, it would seem, not sparingly introduced by St. Gregory. For, by the immediate consecration of four hundred bishops, and a countless number of priests, he betrayed a disposition to multiply an idle and unqualified priesthood; and by the construction of convents and nunneries, and spending the last of his days in a solitary cave, he showed that he was ready to foster the monastic spirit of his age. So deeply, indeed, was the taste for monkhood implanted, that his fifth successor is said to have built two thousand convents.

"Of the rites and dogmas subsequently adopted by other bodies of Christians, there was a free importation for the two centuries that the Armenians formed a regular branch of the General Church. A special messenger was sent to Jerusalem for the ceremonies observed in that church, and brought thence eight canons regulating the sacraments and other rites. For a similar object, a correspondence was carried on with the Bishop of Nisibis. One Catholicos, who had been educated at Constantinople in the influence of all the secular ideas and regulations introduced into the Church under the patronage of Constantine and his successors, brought from thence 'various observances, which, like precious stones, he inlaid into the old.' And several who followed him distinguished themselves by their improvements in the services and laws of the Church. So that when, by rejecting the Council of Chalcedon, A. D. 491, the Armenians cut themselves off from the communion of the great body of Christians, they were doubtless in possession of all the legendary dogmas and observances which had then been adopted by the Christian world."1

1 Researches in Armenia, Amer. Edition, vol. ii. pp. 290-292.

CHAPTER VII.

THE ARMENIANS.

1827-1835.

Mr. King's "Farewell Letter to his Friends in Syria and Palestine" was translated into the Armenian language by Bishop Dionysius, and a manuscript copy was sent by him, in the year 1827, to some of the more influential Armenians in Constantinople. Its effect was extraordinary. A meeting was called in the Armenian patriarchal church, at which the letter was read, and the marginal references to Scripture were verified. It was then agreed, by common consent, that the Church needed reform. The famous school of Peshtimaljian grew out of this meeting, at which it was decided, that no person should be ordained in the capital to the priest's office, who had not completed a regular course of study at this school. In the year 1833, the missionaries were invited to be present at the ordination of fifteen Armenian priests in the patriarchal church; and they were then informed, that no one had received ordination in the metropolis since the adoption of the rule above stated, and that only such as had received a regular education at that school were regarded as eligible for ordination. As the result of this, nearly all the candidates were comparatively well-educated men, and one of them, hereafter to be more specially noted, had a high reputation for learning.

Peshtimaljian, the head of the school, was an uncommon man. His inquisitive mind was ever gaining knowledge, and what he acquired his memory retained. He was a critical and accurate scholar in the language and literature of his nation, and made himself familiar with the theology and history of the Eastern and Romish Churches, and with the general history of the Church from the earliest ages. He was able to quote from the Scriptures with wonderful facility and accuracy. His confidence in the Bible, as the true Word of God and the only standard of faith, had indeed been shaken for a while by his disgust with the superstitions of his Church, and by the low character of many of its clergy, but he had recovered from this. Though timid and cautious to a fault, like Erasmus, and sometimes open to the charge of time-serving, he gradually led his pupils into new paths of inquiry, until they came to believe that the Church not only may err, but that it had actually erred in many of its teachings.

Peshtimaljian became convinced at length, that his pupils were consistently carrying out the principles they had learned from him, and he strongly, though still privately, encouraged them in their labors for the spiritual good of their countrymen. Until his death, which occurred in 1837, he was the friend of the missionaries, and had much intercourse with them; though he never acquired the courage distinctly to avow himself an evangelical man. Up to that time, however, there had been no open persecution of the followers of Christ, and consequently no formal separation of the evangelical brethren from the Armenian community. All the first converts in Constantinople, and many of the later ones, were from his school.

There can be no doubt that, owing to these and other less apparent causes, there was a preparation in the Armenian mind of Turkey for the reception of divine truth, before the arrival of the American missionaries. Though more evident at the capital than in the provinces, there seems to have been some degree of this preparation wherever Armenians were found. In this respect, there was a marked difference among that people, as compared with Jews and Greeks. The common people, where not intimidated by the clergy, almost everywhere heard the Word with gladness; and it was so with many of the parochial priests, when not dreading the wrath of their superiors. In all this we should gratefully acknowledge an overruling Providence in the ordering of events, and the divine agency of the Holy Spirit, making it apparent that the "fullness of time" had come for the entering in of evangelical missionaries.

Messrs. Smith and Dwight, before leaving Constantinople on their eastern tour, earnestly recommended the forming of a station at the metropolis, with special reference to the Armenians. In April, 1831, Mr. Goodell, then at Malta, received instructions from the Prudential Committee to remove to that city. This he did, after having carried the Armeno-Turkish New Testament through the press.

The splendid scene which opened to Mr. Goodell as he drew near the city on the 9th of June, he thus describes: "As we approached Constantinople, the most enchanting prospect opened to view. In the country, on our left, were fields rich in cultivation and fruitfulness. On our right, were the little isles of the Sea of Marmora; and beyond, the high lands of Broosa, with Olympus rearing its head above the clouds and covered with eternal snow. In the city, mosques, domes, and hundreds of lofty minarets, were starting up amidst the more humble abodes of men, all embosomed in groves of dark cypresses, which in some instances seemed almost like a forest; while before, behind, and around us, were (besides many boats of the country) more than twenty square-rigged vessels, bearing the flags of different nations, all under full sail, with a light but favorable breeze,—all converging to one point, and that CONSTANTINOPLE. When we first caught a glimpse of Top-Hana, Galata, and Pera, stretching from the water's edge to the summit of the hill, and began to sweep round Seraglio Point, the view became most beautiful and sublime. It greatly surpassed all that I had ever conceived of it. We had been sailing along what I should call the south side of the city for four or five miles, and were now entering the Bosphorus, with the city on our left, and Scutari on our right. The mosque of St. Sophia, with the palaces and gardens of the Sultan Mahmoud, were before us in all their majesty and loveliness. Numerous boats were shooting rapidly by us in all directions, giving to the scene the appearance of life and business. The vessels before us had been retarded, and those behind had been speeded, and we were sweeping round the Golden Horn in almost as rapid succession as was possible,—every captain apparently using all his skill to prevent coming in contact with his neighbor, or being carried away by the current; and every passenger apparently, like ourselves, gazing with admiration on the numerous objects of wonder on every hand."

Mr. Goodell took a house in Pera, one of the suburbs of Constantinople, where the European ambassadors and most of the foreign Christians resided. Scarcely two months elapsed, before that populous section of the metropolis was almost wholly destroyed by fire. The missionary lost house, furniture, library, papers, and nearly all the clothing of himself and family; and was obliged to remove fifteen miles up the Bosphorus, to Buyuk-Dereh, and to remain there the rest of the year.

The fire had separated the missionary almost entirely from the Armenians, and being thrown into the midst of the Greeks, he established several Greek Lancasterian schools, with the New Testament for a class-book. In most instances the copies were purchased by the parents. To furnish himself with competent instructors, he made arrangements for a normal school among the Greeks of Galata, a central place in which many children were begging for instruction, and he was evidently encouraged by the smiles of heaven upon his labors.

Not long after, he called upon the Armenian Patriarch, a man of dignified manners and venerable appearance, and asked his coöperation in establishing schools among his people on an improved plan. The Patriarch declared, with even more than Oriental politeness, that he loved Mr. Goodell and his country so much, that if Mr. G. had not come to visit him, he must needs have gone to America. After numerous inquiries, he assented to the introduction of the new system of instruction, and promised to furnish suitable persons to learn it; which promise, however, he failed to remember.

Mr. Dwight joined Mr. Goodell, with his family, on the 5th of June, 1832, intending to devote himself wholly to the Armenians, and to labor for them chiefly through the Armenian language, though he afterwards acquired also the Turkish. The Rev. William G. Schauffler arrived in the following month, as a missionary to the Jews.

The Armenians at Constantinople were estimated at one hundred thousand. As a body, they were intelligent, ingenuous, and frank; and many were found who regarded the ritual of their Church as encumbered with burdensome ceremonies, unsustained by the Scriptures, and of no practical advantage. The outset of the Armenian mission was in some respects unlike that to the Maronites of Syria, among whom the converts were at once excommunicated, and treated as outlaws. The object of the missionaries was not to break down the Armenian Church, but, if possible, by reviving the knowledge and spirit of the Gospel, to reform it. They were content that the ecclesiastical organization remain, provided the spirit of the Gospel could be revived under it. They regarded the ceremonies of the Church as mere outworks, not necessarily removed before reaching the citadel; and believed that assaults upon these would awaken more general opposition, than if made upon the citadel itself, and that, the citadel once taken, the outworks would fall of course. They felt, therefore, that as foreigners their main business was to set forth the fundamental doctrines and duties of the Gospel, derived directly from the Holy Scriptures.

This early position of the mission is stated merely as historical truth. When their converts were excommunicated, after some years, the case became changed, and of course their methods of proceeding were greatly modified, so far as the hierarchy was concerned.

Obstacles soon arose that had not been anticipated. First, the plague, with terrific violence, then, the cholera; and lastly, the Egyptian civil war, which shook the capital, and endangered the throne. There could be little intercourse with the people in these circumstances; and during the latter part of 1832, the missionaries were employed chiefly in their own houses, studying the languages, and preparing elementary cards and books for the schools.

It would seem from the Epistles of the Apostle Paul, that his affections were early drawn to certain favored individuals among those first awakened by the Holy Spirit. It was so with the brethren at Constantinople. Among the earliest students of Peshtimaljian, was Hohannes Sahakian, who had been fond of books from childhood, and for some time had longed to see his countrymen better furnished with the means of education. Before entering the school, which he did in 1829, he had commenced reading the New Testament, a cheap copy of which his father had purchased, and he was delighted to find his preceptor so ready to sympathize with his views, and to aid him in his investigations. In 1830, he began to converse on religious subjects with his friend Senekerim, the teacher of a school in the Patriarch's palace. Senekerim was startled on hearing sentiments avowed, that were not taught in their churches; but his mind became gradually enlightened, and they both painfully saw how much their nation needed to be brought to a knowledge of the Gospel. They had no funds for establishing schools and publishing tracts and books. As their zeal and fervor increased, they made a formal consecration of everything pertaining to them to the Lord Jesus Christ, declaring their purpose to execute his will. One day Senekerim made a discovery of the words, "If two of you shall agree on earth, as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them of my Father which is in heaven." Rejoicing over this, they both prayed: "O God, we agree to ask, that our nation may awake, may know the Gospel, and may understand that it is the blood of Jesus Christ alone which purgeth away sin." Yet neither of them was at this time fully aware of the great doctrine of salvation by grace, nor did they know of the existence of any nation having a knowledge of the pure Gospel. In this isolation they continued their prayerful study of God's Word, making gradual progress in knowledge of the Gospel.

At length it became noised abroad, that two Americans were residing in a village on the Bosphorus, ostensibly for a good purpose, but really to spread infidelity. The young men heard the report, and their curiosity was awakened. Hohannes visited them alone at first, and afterwards with his friend, to find out what kind of persons they were. They soon perceived, that the great object of their pursuit was attained, and earnestly requested to be taken under the care and instruction of the mission. As a means of support, Senekerim was to open an Armenian school at Pera, to which place the missionaries intended to remove, and Hohannes was to translate the Psalms from ancient into modern Armenian. These were labors for only part of each day, and the remainder was devoted to the study of the English language and of the Bible. As they gained an insight into the nature of true religion, they had fears lest they were building on a wrong foundation; but by the grace of God they were soon brought into the clear light of the Gospel, and led joyfully to trust in Jesus Christ as the all-sufficient Saviour.

An Armenian jeweler of wealth and influence was wrought up to a state of great alarm in reference to the course of these two young men, by the secret insinuations of a Romish priest. Having persuaded Peshtimaljian to summon the delinquents, he severely charged them with violating their obligations to the Church, and dishonoring God. They were about to vindicate themselves, when Peshtimaljian took the business wholly out of their hands, and poured a flood of light from Scripture and history upon the astonished jeweler; and when the young men afterwards spoke for themselves, Peshtimaljian aided them in their references to the Scriptures. The result was, that the jeweler became himself an open and strong advocate of the evangelical doctrines.

The conversion of Sarkis Vartabed, teacher of grammar in the school of Peshtimaljian, may be dated from this period. He was in high repute as a scholar in the ancient language of the Armenians, had many amiable and valuable qualities, and became highly useful as a translator in connection with the mission.

Among the fifteen alumni from the school of Peshtimaljian, who were ordained as priests in the autumn of 1833, was one highly respected for learning. His appearance was peculiarly devout, and when the missionary brethren called upon him, some days afterwards, in one of the cloisters of the patriarchate, he was deeply impressed by what they said to him as to the responsibilities of office-bearing in the Church of Christ. This was Der Kevork,1 whose subsequent influence in promoting the reformation was by no means unimportant.

1 Der means Priest.

The removal of the press from Malta to Smyrna, at the close of 1833, was eminently seasonable. The importance of the measure was well understood by the enemy, and a combination of Roman and Armenian influences induced the Pasha to order Mr. Temple's departure from Smyrna, with only ten days' notice. The Romanists opposed, because of their settled hostility to Protestantism, and a free Protestant press. The Armenians were specially scandalized by the presence of Bishop Dionysius as a Protestant, after he had broken the rules of the Church by taking a wife. The opposition was increased by an ex-patriarch of the Armenians then residing at Smyrna, who was a personal enemy of Dionysius, and took part in these proceedings. The Pasha had acted under misapprehension, and revoked his order, on hearing the explanations of the American consul; but it was thought best for the bishop to return to his former home at Beirût.

The Armenians were found to be well supplied with spelling-books, reading-books, arithmetics, and grammars in the modern language, also with works on geometry and trigonometry. There was, therefore, much less preparatory work to be done for them in the way of education, than was supposed. A geography was needed, and the part relating to ancient Armenia was prepared by Peshtimaljian. A high school for the Armenians was opened at Pera in October, 1834, under the superintendence of Mr. Paspati, a native of Scio, who had been educated in America, and was regarded as well fitted for the post. The next year, however, he went to Paris to study medicine, and Hohannes was appointed his successor. The school had its full number of scholars, which was thirty. There were classes in the English, French, Italian, Armenian, Turkish, Ancient Greek, and Hebrew languages, and lectures on various branches of natural science, illustrated by apparatus.

In 1834, the Rev. Messrs. John B. Adger, Benjamin Schneider, and Thomas P. Johnston, and their wives, joined the mission; the first taking up his abode at Smyrna, the second at Broosa, and the third at Trebizond. In the following year the Rev. Philander O. Powers joined Mr. Schneider, and the Rev. Henry A. Homes arrived at Constantinople. Such was the beginning of missionary efforts among the Armenians of Asia Minor. Broosa is situated in Bithyniâ, at the western base of Mount Olympus, and was the capital of the Turkish empire for one hundred and thirty years previous to the taking of Constantinople. Trebizond is situated on the southeastern shore of the Black Sea, and competes with Constantinople on the score of natural scenery. The author retains a vivid impression of it, as seen in the winter of 1844. The city, half surrounded by verdant trees, had cultivated fields rising gently behind it, and beyond were forest-clad hills, looking green as in midsummer. And back of all, far in the distance, rose a lofty range of snow-clad mountains, as if to guard this earthly paradise, stretching from sea to sea, and forming a magnificent amphitheatre.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE ARMENIANS.

1836-1840.

The first visit of Mr. Johnston to Trebizond was in 1834. Through priestly interference, he failed in three successive attempts to procure a house, and at last secured a contract for one only on condition of obtaining a firman from Constantinople. The United States Minister at the Porte procured a vizierial letter, directing that Mr. Johnston suffer no further molestation, and he removed his family thither in the spring of 1835. The breaking out of the plague prevented him for a time from having much intercourse with the people. In August of the next year, he had the pleasure of welcoming the Rev. William C. Jackson and wife as associates.

The Patriarch of the Armenian Church at this time was Stepan, who was averse to severe measures; and Boghos, his vicar, though inclined to oppose the spreading reformation, thought it prudent to do nothing openly. Several high ecclesiastics were on terms of intimacy with the missionaries, and some of them seemed on the point of yielding to the influence of the truth. But generally they were without fixed religious principles, and were ready to follow the lead of the men most able to favor their own advancement in office or emolument. Matteos, the newly appointed bishop of Broosa, was one of these. While residing on the Bosphorus, he was a professed friend of the mission; and after his removal to Broosa, he expressed by letter the most friendly sentiments, and assured Mr. Schneider of his approbation of the school then recently established in that city. But this school, after a few months, was entirely broken up through the agency of this same prelate, who also sought in other ways to weaken and destroy the influence of the missionaries. Somewhat later, having been elevated to the Patriarchate, he became a reckless persecutor of the Protestants of Turkey, as will appear in its proper place.

The beautiful type used by the Catholic-Armenians at Venice, made it necessary for the mission to procure new fonts of type adapted to the taste of the Armenians. The monks of Venice refusing to sell to the mission, Mr. Hallock, the printer, visited the United States, and superintended the cutting of the needful punches. The Prudential Committee, appreciating the new demands, authorized an expenditure of five thousand dollars for punches and types in the Armenian, Greek, and Hebrew languages, and for foundries of types and stereotype plates. After Mr. Hallock's departure, the mission succeeded in procuring two Armenian fonts of great beauty from Vienna.

Meanwhile the Turks were making some advance in civilization. Lancasterian schools were established by them in the barracks of Dolma Baktche and Scutari, which were carried on with remarkable success. The missionaries being present by invitation at a public examination, Azim Bey publicly declared, that the Turks were indebted to them for everything of the kind. Travellers were no longer obliged to depend on slow sailing vessels, since steamers ran every week from Constantinople to Smyrna and Trebizond, and every fortnight to Galatz on the Danube. A road for carriages was constructed from Scutari to Nicomedia, a distance of sixty miles; and as a means of arresting the ravages of the plague, the European style of quarantine was extensively introduced.

The most determined opposers of the mission at this time were the Papists, who spared no pains in exciting prejudice among the Armenians. The Papal Armenians were estimated at from fifteen to twenty thousand, and according to usage in Turkey they had a Patriarch of their own. This functionary came out with a public denunciation of all Protestant books, including the New Testament. He even forbade the receiving of copies of the Armenian Scriptures in the ancient language, which had been printed at their own press in Venice, and were purchased, several years before, by the British and Foreign Bible Society for sale at a reduced price or gratuitous circulation.

There was so much desire for religious instruction among the Armenians, that two weekly meetings, in the Turkish language, were established in Constantinople, one conducted by Mr. Goodell, the other by Mr. Schauffler. Their houses were frequented by ecclesiastics as well as by laymen, and some of the former seemed to be sincere inquirers after the truth. One of them, attached to the patriarchal church, proposed that they publish a revised edition of the modern Armenian New Testament; and offered to subscribe five hundred piastres, or somewhat more than twenty dollars, towards the object, and also to procure aid from others. It was a favorable sign, that bishops and vartabeds began now to give instructions from the sacred Scriptures, instead of the legends of the saints. It subsequently appeared, indeed, that most of them were influenced in this more by public opinion, than by personal interest in the subject. They probably had exaggerated notions as to the actual prevalence of evangelical sentiments.

Female education, which had been almost entirely neglected, began now to receive attention, both at Constantinople and at Smyrna. No regular school, indeed, had as yet been opened for females in the former place, but a few parents were providing means for the instruction of their daughters, and one of the evangelical brethren had a class of twelve Armenian girls. In Smyrna, a school for Armenian girls was opened by the mission in a commodious room, with desks, benches, and cards, and was commenced with the express approval of influential men in the community. More than forty girls attended it the first week. But an influential Armenian made such an appeal to the national pride of his countrymen, that the community assumed the charge of the school, and refunded what the mission had expended on it.

At Constantinople, Der Kevork, the most learned of the fifteen priests ordained in 1833, was at the head of a school of four hundred boys, supported by his countrymen and having no connection with the mission. Kevork boldly introduced the custom of daily reading and explaining the Scriptures. He also selected twenty of his most promising scholars for the critical study of the New Testament.

The learned and amiable Peshtimaljian died in the year 1837. In the same year, Mrs. Dwight and one of her children became victims of the plague. Her husband escaped the contagion, though of course greatly exposed. This terrible disease had been almost an annual visitation at Constantinople, and was believed to be imported from Egypt. As soon as it made its appearance, schools must be closed, public worship suspended, and the giving and receiving of visits in great measure interrupted. The quarantine appears to have been an effectual preventive.

In the course of this year, the missionaries had a meeting at Smyrna, at which Messrs. King, Temple, Goodell, Bird, Adger, and Houston were present. Its results were important and interesting. During the sessions, Mr. King preached two sermons to a Greek audience in the chapel of the Dutch Consulate. This was seven years after the commencement of his mission in Greece. Mr. Bird was there, on his way from Syria to his native land, and wrote, on hearing Mr. King preach and seeing the apparent effect, that he became quite reconciled to his laboring among the Greeks, rather than the Arabs.

In the same year Boghos, vicar of the Patriarch, encouraged by certain bankers, resolved to break up the mission High School for Armenians in Pera, of which Hohannes was the principal. In preparation for this, a College had been built at Scutari, some months before, on an extended scale; and the public school in Has Keuy, superintended by Kevork, had been committed to the general supervision of one of the great bankers residing there, that it might be remodeled according to his own wishes, and made a first-rate school. This was deemed a needful preliminary to shutting up the mission High School. Early in the year, the parents were summoned before the vicar, and ordered to withdraw their sons from that school. The plan of the opposing party was, in this case, after breaking up the school, to procure from the Turkish government the banishment of Hohannes. But they had misapprehended the banker, and great was their astonishment when they heard that Hohannes was no sooner released, by their own act, from his connection with the mission school, than he was engaged by the banker of Has Keuy to take the superintendence of the national school they had placed in his hands. In vain they remonstrated. To their assertion, that it was the American system he had adopted he replied, that he knew nothing of the Americans, but had adopted the system because it was good. To their objection, that the principal was evangelical, he responded, "So am I." He at length declared, that unless they permitted him to manage the school in his own way, he would withdraw from the Armenian community. They could not afford to lose one of the leading bankers; and one of the principal opposers, finding it necessary, in a business transaction, to throw himself on his clemency, opposition ceased for a time, and a school of six hundred scholars went into successful operation, with Hohannes for its superintendent, and Der Kevork, the active priest, for one of its principal teachers.

It is worthy of special note, that up to this time, the banker was wholly unknown to the missionaries, and to the evangelical brethren generally. He was evidently raised up by divine Providence for the occasion. Not only did the Has Keuy school greatly exceed the mission school at Pera in the number of its pupils, but it was formally adopted as the school of the nation, and Hohannes was appointed its principal by the Armenian Synod. Having liberty of action, he devoted an hour each day to giving special religious instruction to a select class of sixty of the more advanced pupils, besides his more general teaching, and the daily good influence exerted by Der Kevork and himself. The course of study was liberal, the philosophical apparatus of the mission was purchased by the directors, lectures were given on the natural sciences, and the school obtained a temporary popularity.

Yet there were secret opposing influences too powerful to allow this state of things long to continue. In the middle of the year 1838, the distinguished patron understood, not only that there was a growing dissatisfaction among the leading Armenians with the school, and especially with its principal, but that his munificence was attracting the attention of the Turks; and he deemed it prudent to withdraw his patronage. Before the close of the year, the teachers were dismissed, and the school was reduced to its former footing. The leading men of Has Keuy sent a delegation to the Patriarch deprecating the disaster, but obtained only fair promises. Hohannes now renewed his connection with the mission, and was placed in charge of the book distribution. Der Kevork spent much time in going from house to house, reading the Scriptures to the people, and exhorting them to obey the Gospel.

At Broosa, the number of visitors at the house of the missionaries was increasing, and among them were two young teachers in the Armenian public school, who were specially interested in the subject of personal religion. They were among the first to make the acquaintance of Mr. Powers, on his coming to take up his residence in their quarter of the city. One of these young men, named Serope, had the sole charge of about fifty of the most advanced scholars, whom he instructed daily in the Word of God. The principal men in the Armenian community at Broosa soon decided to place a select class of boys under his instruction, to be trained for the priest's office, and eight were thus set apart. Before the end of the year both of these teachers gave hopeful evidence of piety.

Very interesting cases of conversion occurred at Nicodemia, at the head of the gulf bearing that name. Mr. Goodell, when passing through this place in 1832, gave several tracts to some Armenian boys. One of these, a translation of the "Dairyman's Daughter," came into the hands of a priest, whom Mr. Goodell did not see. This led him to study the Word of God. A brother priest, on intimate terms with him, was induced to join in the study, and the result was the hopeful conversion of both. Their united efforts were now directed to the conversion of their flock, and a spirit of inquiry was awakened. In the spring of 1838, Mr. Dwight found sixteen at Nicomedia, who appeared to be truly converted men. He was surprised at the seriousness and intelligence with which they conversed on the great truths of the Gospel. The Holy Spirit had evidently been their teacher, and the doctrine of justification by grace through faith alone, was the foundation of their hopes. The joy with which they greeted the missionary of the cross for the first time, was most gratifying to him, as was the earnest attention they gave to his instructions. Compared with their countrymen in the same place, they might be called intelligent men, and some of them were in very easy circumstances. The two converted priests, Der Vertanes and Der Haritûn, became afterwards well known in the mission. Of their own accord they removed to Constantinople, and were placed together in charge of a village church on the Bosphorus; and the Patriarch Stepan, being an old acquaintance, spent several weeks with them, and generally assented to the views advanced by them in their free conversations.

We now enter the year 1839, which was a year of severe persecution. Of this persecution, in which the Porte itself became a party, I am now to give a brief account.

The missionary force at Constantinople had become unusually small. Mr. Dwight was absent until September, on a visit to the United States. Mr. Schauffler left in May for Vienna, to superintend the printing of the Hebrew Spanish Old Testament. He went by way of Odessa, and both there, and among the German churches in that part of Russia, he did much to sustain a religious revival that had been long in progress. Mr. Homes left in the spring to join Dr. Grant in exploring Kurdistan. Mr. Hamlin arrived early in the year, but was occupied in the study of the language. Mr. Goodell was, therefore, almost alone in this trying season.

The extent and violence of the persecution were convincing proof of the progress of the reformation. A corrupt priesthood dreaded its tendency to deprive them of their sinful gains. Certain persons no longer enjoyed a monopoly of Armenian printing. Education ceased to be exclusively in the hands of a few bankers. And the popularity of Hohannes and Boghos Fizika was thought to operate against the great Armenian college at Scutari. Nor were the members of the Romish Church idle.

The patriarchs were elected by the primates, who were chiefly bankers, and were in an important sense their creatures. The bankers were divested of much of their power in 1839, by the rise of three men of the artisan class, who suddenly stood before the nation as its guides and dictators, and more especially as extirpators of heresy. These were the two chief architects of the Sultan, and the superintendent of the government powder works. The two first, being employed in erecting the most splendid of all the imperial palaces, were often in contact with the Sultan. The expulsion of Protestantism lay near their hearts, and they resolved to make use of the strong arm of Mahmood to effect it. What were the representations made to him is not known; but it is known that the three favorites were authorized to call on the civil power to aid them in extirpating the dangerous heresy.

The first thing was to get the tolerant Patriarch out of the way. For some reason they did not at once remove him from office, but procured from the interior a man named Hagopos, notorious for his bigotry and sternness, whom they appointed Assistant Patriarch. A month later, Stepan was deposed, and permitted to retire to his convent near Nicomedia, and Hagopos was installed in his place. Before this, Hohannes had been thrown into the patriarchal prison, without even the form of an accusation; but every one knew that his crime consisted in following the Bible, rather than the Church. Boghos Fizika was arrested, and cast into the same prison; and four days after, they were both banished by an imperial firman. Their place of exile was a convent near Cesarea, four hundred miles distant. Stepan took leave of them with tears, well knowing the deep injustice of the act. This was in the month of February, and the Turkish police-officer sent back word from Scutari, that Boghos, being an invalid, was too feeble to bear the fatigues and exposures of such a journey in that inclement season; but positive orders were returned to carry him to Cesarea, either dead or alive. Nicomedia lay on their route; and the brethren of that place hastened in a body to the post-house, and had a season of prayer with the exiles, which greatly comforted them. This intercourse was kept up during a delay of several days authorized by the Nicomedia primate. When the Armenians of Cesarea were told, on their arrival at that place, that their banishment was for receiving the Bible as the only infallible guide in religious matters, they said the Patriarch might as well banish them all, for they were all of that opinion.

It was reported in Constantinople, that the Patriarch had a list of five hundred persons suspected of heresy, and that among them were bishops, priests, and bankers, some of whom were to be banished immediately. Few dared to visit the missionaries, and those only under cover of the night. A proclamation was issued by Hagopos, forbidding the reading of books printed or circulated by the missionaries, and all who had such books were required to deliver them up without delay. On the 14th of March, Der Kevork was arrested and thrown into prison; and when respectable Armenians of Has Keuy made application for his release, they were rudely told to mind their own business. After lying in prison for more than a month, he and several others were banished into the interior. A rich banker, who had long been on friendly terms with the missionaries, was arrested and imprisoned in a hospital as an insane person,—a method of persecution not unfrequently resorted to in Turkey. He was released after a week's confinement, on paying a large sum for the college at Scutari.

Nor were the Greek ecclesiastics behind the Armenian in hostility to the reformation. The Greek Synod and Patriarch issued a decree, excommunicating all who should buy, sell, or read the books of the "Luthero-Calvinists;" and condemning in like manner the writings of Korai, the illustrious restorer of learning among the Greeks, and of the learned Bambas, the friend of Fisk and Parsons. An imperial firman was also published, authorizing, and even requiring, the several Patriarchs to look well to their several communions, and to guard them from infidelity and foreign influence; thus connecting the Porte itself with the persecution.

A strong effort was made to procure the expulsion of the missionaries. Multitudes were active, from diverse motives, to secure this end. One of the most conspicuous of these was a renegade Jew, once baptized by an English missionary, but now an infidel who seemed to have satanic aid in the invention of slanders against Protestants and Protestantism. Another was a disappointed infidel teacher, whose malice and bitterness made him a fit ally for the Jew. The enemy seemed to be having everything in his own way, and strong was his confidence of success.

At this crisis, Divine Providence interposed. The army of the Egyptians was on the march towards Constantinople, and the Sultan deemed it necessary to call upon all the Patriarchs and the chief Rabbi of the Jews, each to furnish several thousand men for his army. It was an unprecedented demand, and occasioned great consternation, but must be obeyed. The army was raised, and was estimated at eighty thousand. It encountered an Egyptian army of about the same number on the plains of Nezib near Aleppo, on the 24th of June, and the Turkish troops were scattered in all directions. The tidings of this disaster never reached Mahmood, as he died in his palace on the first day of July. A few days after, the Capudan Pasha surrendered the Turkish fleet to Mohammed Ali; and on the 11th of July, Abdûl Medjid, a boy of seventeen, was placed upon the throne. The news of the entire loss of his army and navy arrived in a few days, and the empire seemed on the verge of dissolution. It was saved by the intervention of the great powers of Europe. The apostate Jew, to avoid punishment for various crimes, professed himself a Mohammedan; and for crimes subsequently committed, he was strangled by the Turks, and thrown into the Bosphorus. On the 12th of August, between three and four thousand houses in Pera were consumed by fire, with the loss of several lives and an immense amount of property.

The persecution had extended to Broosa and Trebizond; and at Erzroom, in ancient Armenia, where Mr. Jackson had commenced a new station, a letter was read from the patriarchate, warning the people against the Americans, and their schools and books.

The Egyptian war and its consequences broke the power of the persecution. The Armenian Synod voted to recall all the exiles, except Hohannes, whom they adjudged to perpetual banishment as the ringleader of the "Evangelicals." At length an English physician, of humane feelings, being informed as to the facts in the case, stated them to one of the sisters of the late Sultan. The result was that, on the fourteenth of November, an imperial request for Hohannes's release was sent to the Patriarch. He resorted to various devices, first to procure the reversal, and then to delay the execution of the order, which was addressed by the Turkish minister of foreign affairs to the governor of Cesarea, and had on it the Sultan's sign-manual, and the seals of several high offices of state. Not daring to delay longer, on the tenth of February, 1840, he placed the imperial requisition in the hands of the father of Hohannes, by whom it was immediately forwarded to Cesarea, and Hohannes arrived at Constantinople on the twenty-fourth of May.

The persecutors, one after another, were brought low. A change was made, about this time, in the mode of collecting the revenue of the empire, rendering the board of Armenian government bankers useless, and they were directed to settle up their accounts and close their offices. This reduced some of them to poverty, and stripped them all of a great part of their power. The Greek Patriarch was deposed, on complaint by the British Ambassador of his interference with matters in the Ionian Islands; and the Armenian Patriarch found himself in trouble with his own people. He was too overbearing, and was obliged, in November, 1840, to resign his office, to avoid a forcible deposition; and it was a significant sign of the times, that Stepan, who had been ejected from office on account of his forbearance towards the Protestants, was now re-elected; first, by the vote of the principal bankers, and afterwards by acclamation in an immense popular assembly convened for the purpose. He was immediately recognized by the Turkish government.

CHAPTER IX.

THE ARMENIANS.

1840-1844.

The young Sultan, soon after coming to the throne, pledged himself; in the presence of all the foreign ambassadors, to guard the liberty, property, and honor of his subjects equally, whatever their religious creed. No one was to be condemned without trial, and none were to suffer the penalty of death without the sanction of the Sultan himself. No person at all conversant with Turkey, would expect such a change in the administration of the government to be effected at once, nor indeed for a long course of years. Yet this was the beginning of changes, which were momentous in their influence on the Christian and Jewish population of Turkey.

There was now such a number of Armenian boys and young men around the mission thirsting for knowledge, both religious and secular, that a boarding-school for such could no longer be properly delayed. Mr. Hamlin accordingly opened such a school at Bebek, on the European side of the Bosphorus, six miles above Constantinople.

Mr. Jackson commenced a station at Erzroom in 1840. At first he was almost disheartened when he saw how confidently the people rested their hopes of heaven on saint-worship, and the rigor of their fasts; but he soon saw reason to expect a better state of things.

Messrs. Dwight and Hamlin made a visit, about this time, to Nicomedia. Their intercourse with the native brethren there was generally private because of persecutors, but it was in the highest degree satisfactory. The first meeting was on the Sabbath, in a retired garden, where they sat four successive hours, in the middle of a circle of hungry souls, expounding to them the Gospel. After partaking of some refreshment, they sat three hours more in an adjacent house. Later in the day, they spent three hours in the same manner, in another garden; making in all ten hours of preaching and conversation in the course of one Sabbath; besides an hour more in their own room, with transient visitors from abroad. Many of the questions asked were of a highly practical nature. During this visit, a stranger called upon them, whose curiosity had been excited by the Patriarch's letter of warning against the American missionaries. He, in common with many of his brethren, was anxious to know more about this new way. Considerable time was spent with him in needful explanations, and with these, and a copy of the New Testament in modern Armenian and several tracts, he departed highly delighted. It was thus that a knowledge of the Gospel was first carried to Adabazar where this man resided, twenty-seven miles east of Nicomedia.

The papists took advantage of the religious interest awakened in the Armenian Church; and there was reason to apprehend, that dark, dissatisfied minds, if not made acquainted with the Gospel, were in danger of falling into the iron embrace of the Romish Church. The papal missions had been roused to activity in all the Levant, and their numerous adherents enabled them to come extensively into contact with the native mind. Nor were they scrupulous as to their manner of exciting the jealousies of the people against Protestant missionaries. There is evidence also, that, after the Greek revolution, they took advantage of the fact that nearly all the dragomen of foreign ministers at the Turkish court were Roman Catholics.

The obstacles in the way of preaching the Gospel at Broosa, became so great as to make it a question whether the preachers ought not to go elsewhere. Just then there began to be indications of the presence of the Holy Spirit. Individuals came to Mr. Schneider, almost every Sabbath, deeply affected by the truth, and there were several hopeful conversions. Not only there, but elsewhere and especially at Constantinople, during the year commencing May, 1840, there was a manifest reaction, caused by the persecutions of 1839, which became more and more decided during the year. Minds were awakened, which, but for the banishments, anathemas, burning of books, and shutting up of schools, might have been aroused only by the angel of death. Some of these became hopeful converts, and one a preacher of the faith he had endeavored to destroy. The spirit of freedom and Christian boldness was increased. Priest Kevork and Priest Vertanes were more active than ever. Attempts to break up the mission seminary failed, because neither scholars nor parents would obey the mandate of the vakeel to withdraw from connection with the missionaries.

The Rev. Henry J. Van Lennep and wife joined the mission in April, 1840, and were stationed at Smyrna. Mrs. Van Lennep lived only till the following September. The Rev. Josiah Peabody and wife became the associates of Mr. and Mrs. Jackson, at Erzroom, in the following year; and in that year Mr. Ladd was transferred from Cyprus to Broosa. Mr. Hallock, the missionary printer at Smyrna, returned to the United States, but continued to manufacture Arabic and Syriac types for the printing establishments in the Syrian and Nestorian missions. The printing at Smyrna, during this year, was equivalent to 10,843,704 pages duodecimo; and the pages printed at that establishment from the beginning, had been 51,910,260. Two printing-presses and seven fonts of native type were in use. An "Armenian Magazine" was edited by Mr. Adger; and a Greek "Monthly Magazine" by Mr. Temple, with the efficient aid of Mr. Petrokokino. In November, Mr. Goodell completed the translation of the Old Testament into Armeno-Turkish, and immediately commenced revising the New Testament, which he finished in a few months. The Old Testament had now been translated into Armeno-Turkish from the Hebrew, and the New Testament from the Greek. The Armenians had, also, Zohrab's popular translation of the New Testament in their modern tongue, revised by Mr. Adger, and published under his superintendence, at the expense of the British and Foreign Bible Society. The ancient Armenian translation, which is said to be a good one, and to be much valued by the people, was made about fourteen hundred years ago.

Mr. Dwight began a course of lectures on systematic theology, commencing with a class of three Armenians, one of them a priest. The Armenian college at Scutari was closed by the bankers in October, after having been in operation three years, at great expense to the community. But the seminary at Bebek was so full of promise, that grants were made to place it on a broader and firmer basis.

The change in the Armenian community, in the course of five or six years, had been very encouraging. At the beginning of that time, some were truly interested in the things of religion, and the missionaries had religious conversation with many. But by far the greater part then came for the purpose of general inquiry, or to see the philosophical apparatus, or hear a lecture on the sciences; and it was matter of joy, if mere human knowledge could be made the entering wedge to their minds for the knowledge which is divine. How marked the change! They now came in large numbers, drawn by the power of the truth of God alone, not to inquire about electricity, or galvanism, as before, but about the eternal destiny of the soul, and the way by which it might be saved. There had been, also, a favorable change in the general style of preaching at the capital; and among the people there was a growing disposition to compare every doctrine and practice with the Scriptures. This the vartabeds, or preachers, could not disregard. It was not an uncommon thing to hear of sermons on Repentance, the Sabbath, the Judgment-day, etc.; and sometimes the preachers were largely indebted for their materials to the publications of the mission. Indeed, one of the most respectable vartabeds in Constantinople made repeated applications to the missionaries to furnish mutter for his sermons. Instances of pungent convictions of sin became more common. Some who had been drunkards, gamblers, adulterers, and downright infidels, were thoroughly converted, and exhibited that humility, purity, spirituality, and Christian zeal, which are the fruits of the Spirit alone. The older converts, also, appeared to grow in the knowledge of Christ, and one striking characteristic was an active zeal for the salvation of others.

Vertanes was full of hope and activity. It is mentioned by Mr. Dwight, in his excellent "History of Christianity in Turkey," that a report reached Constantinople, in the spring of 1841, that a considerable number of Armenians in Nicomedia, members of the old Church, had become disaffected, and were about going over to the Jesuits; and that the Patriarch commissioned this same Vertanes to go thither with all speed, and endeavor to bring them back to their Mother Church. He was successful in the object of his visit; and while he heartily and faithfully obeyed the Patriarch, and endeavored to persuade men not to suffer themselves to fall into the snares of Rome, he also labored zealously to bring them to a sense of their sins against God, and to a hearty reception of Christ alone as the Saviour of their souls. His visit was very comforting and useful to the brethren in Nicomedia.

The intelligence received from Adabazar early in this year, was most cheering. An attempt had been made to raise a storm of persecution, and one of the brethren was thrown into prison, but he was soon liberated by a powerful friend, and afterwards the truth spread more rapidly. Meetings for prayer and reading the Scriptures were held every Sabbath, at which from twenty-five to fifty were present, and one of the priests seemed to have become obedient to the faith. No missionary had yet been among these brethren, and the issues from the press were almost the only instrumentality employed among them by the Holy Spirit. One year previously, it is believed, not a single soul could have been found among the four thousand inhabitants of Adabazar, who was not groping in the deepest spiritual darkness. Now, some forty or more were convinced of the errors of their Church, and ready to take the Bible as their only religious guide, of whom several appeared to be truly converted men, and even willing to lay down their lives for Christ. It was not until the autumn of 1841, that a missionary was able to visit them. Mr. Schneider, of Broosa, was then hailed with joy by all the evangelical brethren, and returned with the most delightful and cheering impressions. A spirit of inquiry had extended into many of the neighboring villages.

The Rev. George W. Wood1 was transferred to this mission from Singapore in 1842, and was associated with Mr. Hamlin in the Seminary. The Rev. Simeon H. Calhoun, for some time resident at Smyrna as agent of the American Bible Society, received now an appointment as a missionary of the Board; the Rev. Edwin E. Bliss, designated to the mountain Nestorians, having been refused a firman to go thither by the Turkish government, was associated with Mr. Johnston at Trebizond; and Mr. Schauffler devoted himself to the Jews. Mr. Homes had the special charge of the book distribution at Constantinople.

1 Afterwards one of the Corresponding Secretaries of the Board.

There being so little to impart peace to a really awakened conscience in either the Roman or the Oriental Churches, individuals were often found wandering to and fro, as in pagan India, vainly seeking for rest. One of the most noted cases of this kind was that of an Armenian. To pacify the clamors of conscience, he became an inmate of a monastery far in the interior, where he undertook to perform the most menial services for the monks. Failing to find peace in this, he penetrated into the depths of a wilderness, clothed himself in sackcloth, and lived on the coarsest fare, away from the abodes of man. Here also he was disappointed. Returning to Constantinople, he united himself to the papal Armenians, hoping in their communion to find the relief he sought. He became chief singer in one of the churches near the capital, and endeavored to derive comfort, but found nothing to impart peace in the strictest forms of papal worship. A friend now advised him to visit the American missionaries. He had heard of them only as heretics and enemies of the Christian faith, but was at length persuaded to accompany some friends to Mr. Hamlin's house. Taking a seat as near the door as possible, he listened in silence; then proposed some objections; but gradually became interested, and drew his chair nearer and nearer to his newly found teacher; until at length he seated himself on the floor, literally at the very feet of Mr. Hamlin, and there drank in, with mute astonishment, those divine truths which he had never heard before, but which revealed to him the only sure foundation for peace of mind. There was an instantaneous change in his whole character; and we hear of him twelve years afterwards, as a living witness of the truth, and a faithful laborer in the kingdom of Jesus Christ.1

1 Dwight's Christianity Revived in the East, p.118.

In October of this year, it was deemed advisable to suspend the preaching service at Constantinople for a few Sabbaths, in consequence of violent opposition on the part of some Armenians, formerly reckoned as brethren. This unexpected and painful change was owing to their forming an acquaintance with individuals who had imbibed the errors, which threaten the unity of the Episcopal Churches of England and America. Just before the outbreaking of this opposition, Mr. Dwight thus gives utterance to his feelings: "How wonderful are the ways of Providence in regard to the Armenians! In one way or another, men are continually brought from distant places to the capital, and here they become acquainted for the first time with the Gospel; and returning to their homes, they spread abroad that which they have seen and heard. There is something quite wonderful in the state of the Armenian mind at the present time." The persecuting spirit above noted was directed more especially towards Hohannes, and this induced him to go to the United States to prepare himself for preaching the Gospel.

In the early part of this year, the Armenian brethren met in a retired part of the hills adjacent to the capital, and there, after united prayer, agreed to send one of their own number, at their own expense, on a missionary tour among their countrymen in the interior of Asia Minor. Of their own accord they also agreed to set apart the first Tuesday in each month, for special prayer to God in behalf of their nation, and for his blessing on the means used for their spiritual illumination. Not unfrequently they remained after Mr. Dwight's preaching, to have a prayer meeting by themselves for the outpouring of the Holy Spirit; and if there was any one present at the meeting who was particularly anxious about his soul, they kept him with them, and talked and prayed with him. It is recorded also, that at one time as many as thirty Armenian men were present at the monthly concert for prayer, which was necessarily held in the middle of the day, and that some of them prayed as if they felt true longings of heart for the outpouring of the Holy Spirit.

About forty different works, and more than forty-four thousand volumes and tracts, were issued from the Smyrna depôt during the year 1842. Eight or ten booksellers at the capital were kept constantly supplied, and the products of the press were sent into almost every part of the interior.

It is worthy of note that Mr. Dwight's first formal sermon to Armenian women, was in May, 1843. It was in Pera, and four of them had walked not less than three miles to attend the service. One was forty-five or fifty years old, and her sentiments were decidedly evangelical. The religion of the Gospel shone beautifully in some of the Armenian families. Mr. Hamlin had an interesting experience at Bebek. On the 13th of August, on returning from Constantinople, he found nine women and one man waiting his return to preach to them the Gospel. On the 21st, sixteen listened with breathless attention to a sermon on the unsearchable riches of Christ, and nine of these were women. On the 25th, another company of men and women called. Mr. Hamlin was at work upon some philosophical apparatus, when one of the men put his head through the door, and said, "Good-morning, reverend sir, come here, and preach to us the Gospel." September 22d, a company of Armenian men and women, four of them from Nicomedia, came and asked him "to teach them out of the Gospel." On the 24th eight, besides the students, were present at the services, forenoon and afternoon; two from Galata, one from Constantinople, three from Nicomedia, and two from Adabazar. On the day following, thirteen were present, most of whom had heard the maledictions of the Armenian Patriarch pronounced, the day before, on all who should visit the missionaries. On a day in December devoted to family visitations, Mr. Dwight preached the Gospel to more than thirty women.

It was not the missionaries alone, who labored in word and doctrine. Several priests were "obedient to the faith," and preached it more or less formally; and intelligent lay brethren,—scattered abroad, some by persecution, some in the prosecution of their worldly business,—like the primitive disciples, preached the Word; that is, they took such opportunities as they could get, to make known the truth to those of their countrymen who were disposed to hear it. Vertanes, who had suffered imprisonment and banishment for the sake of Christ, made an extensive missionary tour through Armenia.

In the summer of 1843, a body of Turkish police was seen conducting a young man, under twenty years of age, in the European dress, through the streets of Constantinople. His face was pale, and his arms were pinioned behind him. Arriving at a place of public concourse, they suddenly halted, the prisoner kneeled, and a blow of the yatagan severed his head from the body. His crime was apostasy from the Mohammedan faith. He was an obscure Armenian, and while under the influence of alcohol had abjured the faith of his fathers, and declared himself a Mohammedan. He had not submitted, however, to the rite of circumcision before he repented of his rashness. The penalty of apostasy being death, he fled to Greece. In about a year, impatient to see his widowed mother, he returned in a Frank dress, but was soon recognized, imprisoned, tortured to induce him to reabandon his original belief, and even paraded through the streets with his hands tied behind his back, as if for execution; but upon his proclaiming aloud his firm belief in Christianity, he was sentenced to decapitation. The British ambassador, Sir Stratford Canning, impelled by motives of humanity, made an earnest effort to procure his release, and the Grand Vizier promised that the young man should not be beheaded. On learning that he had been, the ambassador declared it to be an insult to the Established Religion of England, as well as to all Europe, and insisted that no similar act of fanaticism should ever again occur. In this he was said to be warmly seconded both by the French and Prussian ministers. The Grand Vizier, as before, was ready to give a verbal pledge; but soon a second act of treachery was discovered. A Greek, in the interior of Asia Minor, had declared himself it Mohammedan, and afterwards refused to perform the rites of that religion, and the Turkish minister was preparing the death-warrant for him, at the very time when he was making these promises to the ambassador. Sir Stratford now very peremptorily demanded, that a written pledge be given by the Sultan himself (as his ministers could no longer be trusted), that no person embracing the Moslem religion and afterwards returning to Christianity, should on that account be put to death; and the Earl of Aberdeen, on the part of the home government, instructed him in a noble letter not to recede from the demand. The Prussian and French governments were equally decided; and after some hesitancy, even Russia threw the weight of her influence into the scale. After a struggle of some weeks the required pledge was given, signed by the Sultan himself, that henceforth NO PERSON SHOULD BE PERSECUTED FOR HIS RELIGIOUS OPINIONS IN TURKEY. The British ambassador distinctly acknowledged the finger of God in this transaction, which he said seemed little less than a miracle.

It will hereafter appear, that the pledge had a wider range, than was thought of at the time by the governments of Europe, by their representatives, or even by the Turks. God was setting up a spiritual kingdom, and his people must have freedom to worship Him in his appointed way. The battle for religious freedom in Turkey was fought over the mutilated remains of the Armenian renegade, and the Sultan's pledge secured to the Protestant native Christians the full enjoyment of their civil rites, while openly practicing their own religion.1

1 This brief statement is compiled from the Correspondence relating to Executions in Turkey for Apostasy from Islamism, published by the British Parliament in 1844, occupying forty folio pages. The correspondence is highly honorable to the great men who were then controlling the political affairs of Europe, and to a large extent also of Western Asia.

But before this comprehensive meaning of the pledge could be understood, and the benefit of it actually enjoyed by the people of God, they were subjected to more grievous sufferings for their faith than any yet endured. From 1843 to 1846, there was no long respite from persecution; yet in all this time the spirit of inquiry wonderfully spread, and believers were the more added to the Lord.

In 1843, Priest Vertanes was rudely deposed from office, and thrown into prison. Finding he could not be induced to sign a paper of recantation, drawn up for him by the Patriarch, he was hurried by the Patriarch's beadles, with great violence, into an open sail-boat, without opportunity to obtain even an outer garment from his house, although it was midwinter, and sent across the sea of Marmora to the monastery of Ahmah, near Nicomedia.

The Foreign Secretary of the Board spent eleven weeks in this mission, in the winter of 1843-44, accompanied by Dr. Joel Hawes, of Hartford. At that time it was arranged by the mission, in full accordance with the views of their visiting brethren, to discontinue the Greek department, to give distinct names as missions to the Jewish department and to the work among the Armenians, to open a female high school at Constantinople, and to associate Mr. Wood with Mr. Hamlin in the seminary at Bebek. It was also decided, that Messrs. Riggs and Ladd, turning from the Greeks to the Armenians, should acquire the use of the languages spoken by the latter people; that Mr. Calhoun should be authorized to visit Syria, with a view to an opening for him in connection with the projected seminary on Mount Lebanon; that Mr. Temple, then too old to learn either the Armenian or Turkish languages, ought to be authorized, in view of the discontinuance of the Greek department, to return to the churches whose faithful messenger he had been so long; and that the native Armenian agency should be put upon a footing on which it would be more likely to be sustained ultimately by the people.

There was reason afterwards to believe, that it would have been better for Mr. Temple to remain in Turkey, in the exercise of his eminently apostolic influence upon his brother missionaries and the native Protestant community, Greek and Armenian. Yet his own opinion was in favor of the course he pursued. "I am too old," he said, "to think for a moment of learning a new language, and no opening invites me here in any language I can command." After a farewell visit to his brethren in Constantinople, he set his face homeward, and arrived in Boston in the summer of 1844. He was usefully employed as an agent of the Board, or in the pastoral relation, until his health broke down. In January, 1851, through the kindness of a friend, he made a voyage to Chagres, and another to Liverpool. But he returned from the last of these voyages enfeebled by the roughness of the passage; and his strength gradually declined, until the 9th of August, 1851, seven years after his return to America, when he died at Reading, Massachusetts, his native place, in the sixty-second year of his age. It may be truly said, that few men have borne more distinctively than he, the impress of the Saviour's image.1

1 See Life and Letters of Rev. Daniel Temple, for twenty-three years a Missionary in Western Asia. By his son, Rev. Daniel H. Temple, Boston, 1855.

A daughter of Dr. Hawes accompanied him on his voyage to Smyrna as the wife of Mr. Van Lennep, but was permitted only to enter upon the work to which she had devoted herself in Asia. She died at Constantinople of fever, within less than a year from the time of her embarkation. The health of Mrs. Benjamin was such as to oblige her and her husband to return home. A similar cause occasioned also the return of Mr. and Mrs. Jackson.

CHAPTER X.

GREECE AND THE GREEKS.

1824-1844.

When the missions to the Oriental Churches were commenced, Greece was suffering under the oppression of the Turks, and the people were glad of sympathy from any quarter. In the department of education, they seemed even to welcome Protestant missionaries. They compared favorably with the Roman Catholics, in their reception of the Scriptures, and in the matter of religious toleration. But an unfavorable change came over them after they had achieved their national independence.

Mr. Gridley was the first missionary to labor among the Greeks of Turkey, though he was not sent with special reference to them. He arrived at Smyrna in December, 1826. After acquiring the modern Greek, he visited Cesarea, four hundred miles to the eastward, hoping for better advantages in acquiring the Greco-Turkish language, and also to learn the condition of the Greeks in the interior. He was accompanied by Abraham, his teacher, a well-informed native of Cappadocia, and for two months applied himself to his studies, until admonished of danger by the frequent recurrence of headaches. Finding that these yielded to exercise, he deemed it prudent to execute a purpose he had long cherished of ascending Mount Argeus, from the top of which, according to Strabo, the Black and Mediterranean Seas might both be discerned in a clear day. Outstripping his attendants, Mr. Gridley mounted with great agility till he reached an elevation within three or four hundred feet of the highest summit, when he was prevented from advancing farther by the steepness of the ascent. There, in the region of perpetual snow, he remained a quarter of an hour, but could not discover the objects he had specially in view. The height of the mountain he estimated at thirteen thousand feet. Descending rapidly, he was overpowered with fatigue when he reached his companions, and they were soon after exposed to a violent storm of hail and rain. The headache soon returned with increasing violence, and was followed by fever, so insidious in its progress as at no time to suggest to him his danger. His death occurred on the 27th of September, fifteen days after the ascent, and a year after leaving his native land.

Thus he fell at the age of thirty-one, and at the very commencement of his career. The predominant characteristics of Mr. Gridley were resolution, promptness, and generosity. In all the duties of a Christian missionary, he was indefatigable in no ordinary degree, and his early removal was very trying.

The cause of education naturally became prominent at the outset of a mission among the Greeks. Scio was the seat of their most favored college, and when the people of that ill-fated island fled from the murderous sword of the Turks, some of the families sought refuge in Malta. There were bright youths among them, and six of these, and two from other Greek islands, so interested Messrs. Fisk and Temple, that they obtained permission to send them home, to be educated chiefly at the expense of the Board. This was before the results of the Foreign Mission School at Cornwall had become manifest. Three others arrived in 1826, and one in 1828; and nearly all received a liberal education, either at Amherst or Yale. Evangelinos Sophocles, from Thessaly, who came last, has long held the honorable position of a Professor in Harvard University. Four others,—Anastatius Karavelles, Nicholas Petrokokino, Alexander G. Paspati, and Gregory Perdicaris, were useful to the mission at different times after their return to the East. Several young men from the Armenian nation were likewise educated in the United States, and one of these, Hohannes, was until his death, a useful minister of the gospel among his countrymen. But the conclusion on the whole, to which the Board came, both in respect to Greeks and Armenians, was that a native agency must be trained in the country where it is to be employed.

The return of Mr. King to Greece, in 1829, has been mentioned. During the visit of Mr. Smith and myself to the island of Poros, in July of that year, he was united in marriage to a young Smyrniote lady, whose acquaintance he had formed some years before, while detained there on his return from Syria. Though Tenos was one of the more bigoted of the Greek islands, nearly every person of standing in the place called upon the newly married couple. A Greek priest sent a pair of doves, and soon followed with his blessing. It was this marriage which, in the providence of God, kept Mr. King in Greece until the close of his long and useful life.

Mr. King opened a school for girls in Poros, and the chief men sent their daughters to it. The town was noted for a modern church, called the Evangelistria, which, though built during the revolution, was the most showy edifice in Greece. It was the annual resort of hundreds of pilgrims, chiefly the lame, sick, and lunatic, who were brought there to be cured. It was the centre of modern Grecian superstition; as Delos, in full view of the church, had been in ancient times.

After some months, the trustees of the church became alarmed for their craft, and made vigorous efforts to destroy the school. Some of the scholars were withdrawn, one of the teachers was compelled to leave, and the school-books were denounced as heretical. Through the whole commotion Mr. King held on his way with characteristic calmness, teaching and praying in the school as aforetime, and freely expounding the Scriptures, every Lord's day, to more than fifty of his pupils and a number of their friends. Two of the most prominent inhabitants espoused his cause; and, just in the crisis of the difficulty, he received a box of ancient Greek books from the government, as a present to the school. Soon after, there appeared in the government gazette a commendation of the school and of its course of instruction. From that time, opposition from members of the Greek Church seems to have ceased. A handsome donation of school-books, slates, and pencils was made by the Greek School Committee in New York, and forwarded to the President of Greece, through the American Board. It was gratefully acknowledged by the government.

In the autumn of 1830, Mr. King, anticipating the evacuation of Athens by the Turks, made a visit to that city, then a ruin, and arranged for his future residence. In April of the next year, having resumed his connection with the American Board, he made a second visit, and opened a Lancasterian school for both sexes; placing a Greek, named Nikotoplos, at the head of it, who was author of an epitome of the Gospels. The school was soon filled. He purchased from a Turk, with private funds and at a nominal cost, the ruins of a stone edifice with a garden, and there built himself a home, to which he removed his family. He also purchased for a few hundred dollars, while the city was still in Turkish hands, about an acre of land delightfully situated, on which he subsequently erected a building for a young ladies' school of a high order.

Capodistrias, the President, was assassinated about this time by two men belonging to one of the first families in Greece. The protecting powers required that his successor be a king, and a Bavarian prince named Otho was put upon the throne of the new kingdom in 1833. The Acropolis of Athens was soon after delivered up to its rightful owners, and that event consummated the emancipation of Greece from Turkish rule. A cabinet was formed, of which Tricoupis, a Greek gentleman of patriotic and enlightened views, was the president. Athens became the seat of government in 1834.

The Rev. Elias Riggs arrived as a missionary, with his wife, in January, 1833, and was cordially welcomed not only by his associate, but also by the brethren of the American Episcopal mission. Mr. Riggs had paid much attention to the modern Greek, and was pleased with Dr. King's manner of preaching on the Sabbath, and with his familiar exposition of the Scriptures in his flourishing Hellenic school.1 There were now two schools, called the "Elementary School" and the "Gymnasium;" the latter having a well-arranged course of study for four years, corresponding, as far as circumstances would permit, with the studies of a New England college. The subsequent removal of the government gymnasium from Ægina to Athens, necessarily interfered with this, but until that removal it was a popular institution, with sixty scholars. An examination was held in 1834 for three days in Ancient Greek, Geography, History, Geometry, Algebra, the Philosophy of Language, and the Holy Scriptures; the King and the bishop of the city being among the persons present.

1 Nassau College, in Princeton, N. J., had conferred the degree of D. D. on Mr. King.

Mr. Riggs, after visiting the more important places in the Peloponnesus, decided upon commencing a station at Argos, which he did in 1834. The great body of the Greek people at that time, were kindly disposed toward the missionaries and their efforts; but it was becoming evident, that the jealousy of the clergy was on the increase, and that the hierarchy had great facilities for exerting an adverse influence. The Church in Greece, no longer subject to the Greek Patriarch at Constantinople, was under the government of the "Holy Council of the kingdom of Greece;" which was required to guard the clergy and schools against heresy, and report to the government any attempt at proselyting. No school could be established without permission from the government, nor without such permission could any teacher instruct, even in private families. No books could be sold or given away in any place, without obtaining a license for that place, and strong guards were thrown around the press. But whatever the restrictions on schools and the press, the way was open for circulating the Scriptures, and for enforcing repentance towards God and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. In the three years from 1834 to 1836, Dr. King sold and gratuitously distributed nearly nine thousand New Testaments in modern Greek, and eighty-seven thousand school-books and religious tracts.

The "Holy Council" now took decided ground against the version of the Old Testament from the Hebrew, declaring that the Septuagint alone was to be regarded as the canonical translation, to be read in the churches and used for religious instruction. This did not forbid nor prevent the free circulation of the Old Testament in modern Greek among individuals for their private use.

Dark intrigues were employed to arouse the popular feeling. A letter against "the Americans," as all missionaries were called, purporting to have been written from Syra, was printed in pamphlet form at Paris and sent to Greece, where it attracted much attention. This was followed by repeated attacks from a newspaper edited by one Germanos. Pretended revelations and miracles at Naxos inflamed the zeal of the ignorant and superstitious. Professed eye-witnesses circulated absurd stories, of girls in the school at Syra being made "Americans" by sealing them on the arm; that one of them refused to be sealed, and two horns grew out of her head; and of a boy taken into a dark room to catechize him, where he saw the devil, and was frightened out of his senses. It was said, moreover, that the object of the missionaries was to change the religion of the country, while they hypocritically professed the contrary; though neither word nor deed of any missionary of the Board was made the pretext for any of these accusations. By such means mobs were raised, and the schools of Syra were, for a time, broken up. Yet the local authorities were generally prompt in putting down riots, and Germanos was arrested, and sent to a distant monastery. Dr. King's congregation on the Sabbath, gradually increased, and there was never a time when he disposed of more New Testaments, school-books, and tracts.

In 1835, a station was commenced by the Rev. Samuel R. Houston on the island of Scio. He found the people friendly, and the island slowly recovering from its ruins. Professor Bambas subsequently expressed the opinion to Dr. King, that Samos was a more desirable place, since the better class of Sciotes would never return to Scio to live under Turkish rule. The station was not continued. In 1837, Mr. Houston, with the Rev. George W. Leyburn, who had been sent out to join him, made a tour of observation in Máne, the ancient Sparta, to see if a station ought not to be formed there, in compliance with repeated solicitations from Petron Bey, the hereditary chief in that region. Indeed, in view of causes beyond the control of missionary societies, the Prudential Committee began to feel themselves compelled to pass by the Grecian Islands in great measure, and concentrate their efforts on the main lands.

The station at Argos was strengthened in 1836, by the arrival of Rev. Nathan Benjamin and wife. The two girls' schools in that place contained from seventy to one hundred pupils. In the following year, as Argos was declining in population and intelligence in consequence of the removal of the seat of government from Napoli, it was decided that Mr. Benjamin should remove to Athens, and Mr. Riggs to Smyrna.

The district, which the brethren from Scio had specially in view, was exceedingly uninviting to an observer from the sea; where it seemed to be only a mass of rocky cliffs and mountains, gradually rising from the sea to St. Elias, the highest peak of Taygetus. Yet among these rocks were upwards of a hundred villages, containing from thirty to forty thousand souls. Many of these were probably of true Spartan descent, and they had always maintained a degree of independence. The old Bey of Máne had prepared the way for the two brethren by letters from Athens, where he then resided, and they were gladly received, and soon decided on removing their families to Ariopolis; situated on the western slope of the mountain ridge, and the chief town of the province of Laconia. The two families arrived in May, 1837, and were soon joined by Dr. Gallatti, who had been a faithful friend and helper at Scio. A large house was immediately erected for a Lancasterian school; but no teacher for such a school could be found, since no one was allowed to teach in Greece, except in Ancient Greek, without a diploma from the government; and all was under the superintendent of public schools, who would allow no one to serve the mission. Yet there were hundreds of boys playing about in the streets, who at a moment's notice would have rushed in for instruction, and whose parents would have rejoiced to see them there. A teacher was not obtained until October, 1839, and then only with the aid of Mr. Perdicaris, the American consul; but before the end of the year, the pupils numbered one hundred and seventy, filling the house. Among them was a youth named Kalopothakes, a native of the place, who afterwards became the bold friend and efficient helper of Dr. King. A school for teaching ancient Greek with thirty scholars, had been in operation a year or more. King Otho visited the place early in 1838, and commended the school. The descendants of the ancient Spartans boasted that he was the first monarch they had ever permitted to tread their soil.

Mrs. Houston being threatened with consumption, her husband took her to Alexandria, and afterwards to Cairo, where she died peacefully, on the 24th of November, 1839. After depositing her remains in the Protestant burying-ground at Alexandria, the bereaved husband and father returned, with his child, to his station in Greece, and in the following year visited his native land.

The Greek mission was always affected more or less by the changes of political parties. The missionaries carefully refrained from intermeddling with politics, but every political party had more or less of a religious basis, having something to do with the question, whether a religious reform should be permitted. Early in 1840 the government discovered the existence of a secret association, called the "Philorthodox," one object of which was to preserve unchanged all the formality and superstition which had crept into the Greek Church. It had both a civil and a military head, and was believed to be hostile to the existing government, and on the eve of attempting a religious revolution, by which all reform should be excluded. Several of the leaders were arrested; and the Russian Ambassador and Russian Secretary of Legation were both recalled, because of their connection with it. The leaders were brought to trial, but the society had influence enough to procure their acquittal. Its civil head was banished, and its military head was sent to Ægina for a military trial. The king then changed most of the members of the Synod, and more liberal ideas seemed to be gaining the ascendency.1

1 Tracy's History, p. 414.

This reform was only partial and temporary. An order was issued by the government in the next year, requiring the Catechism of the Greek Church to be taught in all the Hellenic schools, and Mr. Leyburn was informed that this order applied to his school. The catechism inculcates the worship of pictures and similar practices, and the missionary decided, that he could not teach it himself, nor allow others to teach it in his school. A long negotiation followed, principally conducted by Dr. King. It was proposed that the government employ catechists to teach the catechism to the pupils in the church. The government assented on condition, that no religious instruction should be given in the school, meaning thereby to exclude even the reading of the New Testament; but the missionaries would neither consent to teach what they did not believe, nor to maintain a school from which religious instruction must be excluded. The school was therefore closed, and the station abandoned. It should be noted, that the school was not supported by the government, but by the friends of Greece in the United States, and that no impropriety was alleged on the part of the resident missionary.

As Mr. Leyburn must now leave Greece, and had not health to learn one of the languages of Western Asia, he returned home, with the consent of the Prudential Committee. His former associate, Mr. Houston, was then preparing to join the mission to the Nestorians in Persia, but the sudden failure of his wife's health prevented, and the two brethren afterwards became successful ministers of the Gospel in the Southern States, from which they had gone forth.

A station was commenced among the Greeks on the island of Cyprus in 1834, a year earlier than that on Scio. The Greek population of the island was reckoned at sixty thousand, and the pioneer missionary was the Rev. Lorenzo W. Pease, who arrived, with his wife, in the last month of the year. As it was proposed to make this a branch of the Syrian mission, Mr. Thomson came over from Beirût, and with Mr. Pease explored the island. They found no serious obstacles in the way of distributing the Scriptures and diffusing a knowledge of the Gospel, except in the unhealthiness of the climate. The most healthful location seemed to be Lapithos, a large village on the northwestern shore, two days' journey from Larnica. The village had a charming location, rising from the base of the mountain, and ascending the steep declivity a thousand feet. From thence perpendicular precipices arose, which sheltered it from the hot south winds. The coast of Caramania was in full view on the north, and refreshing breezes crossed the narrow channel which separated Cyprus from the main land. A magnificent fountain burst from the precipices above, the stream from which foamed through the village, and found its way across the narrow but fertile plain to the sea. This stream turned a number of mills in its descent, and a portion of it was distributed through the gardens, and there, tumbling from terrace to terrace, formed numerous beautiful and refreshing cascades.1

1 For the extended journal of Messrs. Thomson and Pease, see Missionary Herald for 1835, pp. 398-408, 446-452.

The Archbishop of Cyprus being independent of the Patriarch of Constantinople, the encyclical letter against Protestant missions known to have been received from the metropolis, produced no decided hostility. The mission was reinforced in 1836 by the arrival of Rev. Daniel Ladd and wife, and Rev. James L. Thompson. A Lancasterian school had been opened at Larnica with seventy pupils, and a school for educating teachers with fourteen. There was very great need of schools, it being ascertained that, in thirty-six villages between Larnica and Limasol, containing more than a thousand families and a population of more than five thousand, only sixty-seven, besides the priests, could read at all, and the priests not fluently. Among the reasons assigned for this were the burdensome taxes imposed upon the people, and especially on boys at the early age of twelve years, and the general poverty of the parents, constraining them to employ their sons on their farms, or in their oil-mills or wine-presses. Considering that not a place had yet been found, which was salubrious all the year round, and that the people were scattered in eight or nine villages, the missionaries began to despair of a vigorous concentration of their labors, and came to the conclusion, in the year 1837, that it was expedient to go to some more manageable field. The opposition from Constantinople made it expedient to disconnect the schools from the mission. There was, however, from the beginning, a friendly intercourse between the people, including the ecclesiastics, and the missionaries and books and tracts were received without hesitation. This with other considerations induced the missionaries to delay their departure. The funeral of a child of Mr. Pease was attended in one of the Greek churches, and the Greek priests led the way in the procession, chanting the funeral dirge, in which there was nothing exceptionable; leaving at home, out of deference to the father, the cross, the cherubim, and the incense.

In August, 1839, in consequence of remaining too long at Larnica, Mr. Pease was suddenly prostrated by fever, and soon closed his earthly career, at the early age of twenty-nine. He had made great proficiency in the modern Greek language, and looked forward with delight to its use in proclaiming the Gospel to the Greek people. Every month had raised him in the estimation of his brethren, and given new promise of his usefulness. Mrs. Pease returned to the United States, with her two children, in the spring of 1841. Mr. Thompson also returned at the close of the same year. Mr. and Mrs. Ladd were transferred to Broosa, in Turkey, where a large number of people spoke the Greek language.

Dr. King and Mr. Benjamin were the only remaining members of the mission in Greece in 1842, and they were residing at Athens. Though for some time without schools, the missionaries were usefully employed. The former preached regularly to a congregation of from thirty to one hundred attentive hearers, with a ready command of the Greek language, and in the manner of the most effective preaching in this country. He preached, also, by the wayside, at the same time distributing books and tracts. Writing in 1843, after stating that fifteen hundred young men, from all parts of Greece and Turkey, were in the schools and university of Athens, Dr. King adds: "And yet God, in his wonderful providence, has permitted me to stand here, and preach in the plainest manner, even to the present hour, without let or hindrance, and that, too, in the midst of a dreadful strife of tongues. I have heard it remarked by Greeks, how truly wonderful it is that my preaching should never have been attacked. I see many students and others, and converse with the greatest plainness, and I think some are persuaded of the truth." Mr. Benjamin was also doing much good in the department of Christian literature. The books prepared by himself and Dr. King were printed at Athens, and were more acceptable and influential for that reason, than if printed elsewhere and by mission presses. The number of copies printed previous to 1843, was 118,465, and of pages, 6,525,500.

The relinquishment of the station at Ariopolis was regarded by the Greeks as a public testimony against the errors of the Greek Church, and as an honest and consistent movement. Mr. Benjamin took the place of Dr. King in his absence, as a preacher, and found unexpected facility in so doing. It was a tribute to the Greek mind, that Mr. Benjamin commenced translating Butler's "Analogy" into the modern language.

In Turkey, Mr. Temple, Mr. Schneider, Mr. Riggs, and Mr. Ladd continued to labor mainly in the modern Greek language. Mr. Temple had charge of the press, with the efficient aid of Mr. Riggs in the Greek and Greco-Turkish. Mr. Van Lennep divided his time between the Greek and the Turkish. Mr. Temple edited the Greek "Monthly Magazine," aided by Mr. Petrokokino, one of the young men educated by the Board, to whose taste, talent, and zeal much of its popularity and usefulness were to be attributed. The periodical nearly paid for itself. The amount of printing in modern Greek will be fully stated at the close of these histories. In 1843, it was one million five hundred and fifty-six thousand pages. Several of the schools in Western Turkey were more or less open to Greek youth of both sexes. Mr. Schneider was able to preach with great facility and propriety in the modern language.

In the year 1844, the author made an official visit to Athens, accompanied by Dr. Joel Hawes, and a week was spent by them in free conference with Messrs. King and Benjamin. The conclusion was reached, that Mr. Benjamin should seek a wider sphere of usefulness among the Armenians of Turkey.

As the result of subsequent discussions with the missionaries residing at Smyrna, Broosa, and Constantinople, it was decided to cease in great measure from labor among the Greeks; but that Dr. King ought to remain at Athens, his position and relations being peculiar, as will appear in the subsequent history. From that time, Dr. King was the only missionary of the Board in Greece, until his lamented death in the year 1869.1 Messrs. Temple, Riggs, and Calhoun at Smyrna, and Messrs. Schneider and Ladd at Broosa, had made the Greek language their principal medium of intercourse with the people. Mr. Riggs having a rare aptitude for acquiring languages, had begun to edit works in the Bulgarian, Armenian, and Turkish languages.

1 During nearly the whole of Dr. King's life in Athens, Dr. Hill, an American Episcopal missionary, was resident there.

The American Baptist Missionary Union placed two missionaries at Patras, on the Gulf of Corinth, in 1838. That station was discontinued in 1845, when Mr. Buel removed to the Piræus, the port of Athens, where he labored, in the most friendly relations with Dr. King, until 1855 or 1856, when the unsatisfactory results of the mission led to its discontinuance.

A like result had been practically reached by both the London and Church Missionary Societies of England. A deplorable change had come over the Greeks, both in Greece and Turkey, since the freedom of Greece from Turkish rule; and money, time, and labor could be more profitably expended on other equally needy populations in that part of the world. The old ambition for the recovery of Constantinople and the restoration of the Eastern Empire, had been quickened into life; and the unity of the Greek Church as a means to this end, was craftily kept before the minds of the people by Russian agency, and had a wonderful influence, especially among the higher classes. The national pride of the Greeks had also created an aversion to foreigners, and made it difficult for such to gain their confidence, or awaken their gratitude by acts of benevolence. Then there were the arrogant assumptions of the Greek Church, more exclusive than the Roman, claiming for her clergy the only apostolical succession, and that her trine immersion, performed by her clergy, was the only baptism, while all not thus baptized were beyond the hope of salvation. Of course all Protestant preachers, whether episcopal or non-episcopal, were regarded by the Greeks as unbaptized heretics. The Greek Church held the worst errors of Popery, such as transubstantiation, worshipping the Virgin Mary, praying to saints, baptismal regeneration, and the inherent efficacy of ordinances to save the soul. The power of excommunication in the hands of the priests, was regarded by the people with extreme dread, as sealing the soul over to perdition; and believing, as they did, that salvation is certain in the Church, and nowhere else, they regarded every attempt at innovation as an attack upon their dearest interests, and resisted it with persecution, or turned away with disgust and scorn. There were persons both among the ecclesiastics and laymen, to whom this would not apply; but the inflexible opposition of the hierarchy, as a body, to all efforts for propagating the evangelical religion, was matter for profound lamentation.

Yet labors in Greece had not been expended in vain. There had been very few hopeful conversions; but as many as two hundred thousand copies of the New Testament and parts of the Old had been put in circulation in the modern Greek language; a million copies of books and tracts had been scattered, by different missionary societies, broad-cast over the Greek community; perhaps a score of Greek young men had been liberally educated by benevolent societies and individuals in America and England; and more than ten thousand Greek youths had received instruction in Greece and Turkey, at the schools of various missions. Of the good seed thus sown, though not often on good ground, there may yet be a harvest to gladden future generations. The labor had not been fruitless. The Greek government was not what it would have been, and the same may be said of the social state. Nor were the same old ideas prevalent among the people as to the authority of councils and of the ancient fathers, and the authority of God's Word stood higher than before. The same low estimate was no longer put upon knowledge and education, nor upon religious tolerance, nor were there the same impressions concerning Protestantism, and Protestant nations, and the Christian world at large. In all these respects, there had been progress. Infidelity had received a check, and so had its influence on surrounding peoples. The Word of God, printed in the spoken language, was in very many habitations of the people; and the elements of their intellectual, moral, and social being were not, and can never again be, as if missionaries had not been among them.

The efforts made by Dr. King in Greece, for nearly a quarter of a century after this time, to secure freedom in the worship of God and in the preaching of the Gospel, will form the subject of future chapters. And in the histories of the Syrian and Armenian missions, the reader will occasionally notice hopeful outbreaks of the spirit of religious inquiry among the people bearing the Grecian name.

CHAPTER XI.

THE NESTORIANS.

1833-1836.

The facts brought to light by Messrs. Smith and Dwight respecting the Nestorians, made it the duty of the American Board to commence a mission among them. Accordingly in January, 1833, the Rev. Justin Perkins, then a tutor in Amherst College, was appointed the first missionary to that people; and Mr. Smith, being ready to return to the Mediterranean, having published his "Researches in Armenia and Persia," it was decided that Mr. Perkins should accompany him as far as Malta. They received their official instructions together, in the chapel of the Theological Seminary at Andover, on a Sabbath evening in September, and the two brethren embarked, with their wives, on the 21st of that month. Mr. Perkins, in the interval, had been prostrated by a fever, but it was deemed safe for him to proceed, and his recovery was so rapid that he was soon able to administer to the comfort of his associates at sea.

"Your first duty among the Nestorians," said the Prudential Committee in their instructions to Mr. Perkins, "will be to cultivate an intimate acquaintance with the religious opinions and sentiments of the Nestorians. You are aware that, excepting the information collected by Messrs. Smith and Dwight, during the few days they were at Oroomiah, almost all we know concerning that sect in modern times, is derived from papal writers. The learned investigations of some of these entitle them to high honor, and may be of great use to you, in the way of furnishing topics for inquiry, but the Committee wish the information which you communicate concerning the present state of the Nestorian Church, to be the result of your own personal investigations; at least to be thus corroborated. The churches of this country ought to be accurately informed as to the number of the Nestorians, their places of residence, their doctrines, rites, morals, education, etc. Whether you will be able at present, with a due regard for personal safety, to penetrate the Koordish mountains, and visit the Nestorian Patriarch, is very doubtful. But the journey should be performed as soon as may be, lest interested and perverse men should prejudice his mind against you."

After stating that they should take pains to show the Nestorians, that they had no intention of subjecting them to any foreign ecclesiastial power; and showing that the acknowledgment of the New Testament, as the only authoritative standard of religious truth, made them stand on common ground with the people to whom they were sent; it was stated, that their main object would be to enable the Nestorian Church, through the grace of God, to exert a commanding influence in the regeneration of Asia.

"Concentrated effort," it was added, "is effective effort. There is such a thing as attempting too much. Many a missionary has attempted such great things, and so many, in a new field, that he has accomplished little, and perhaps nothing as he ought. Your surveys may extend over a great surface; but a richer and speedier harvest will crown your labors, if your cultivation is applied to a single field."

The Nestorians are a branch of the ancient Christian Church, and derive their name from Nestorius, a native of Syria and Bishop of Constantinople, who was excommunicated by the third General Council at Ephesus, in the year 431. The cause of his condemnation was probably the desire to humble the occupant of the see of Constantinople, which had begun to eclipse its sister patriarchates, rather than any real doctrinal errors. He was banished to Arabia Petræa, then to Libya, and finally died in Upper Egypt. But his cause was the cause of his countrymen, and he had influential friends in the patriarchate of Antioch, who denied the fairness of his trial and the justice of his condemnation. His case was ardently espoused by many young men from Persia in the famous school of Edessa (now Oorfa), and though these were expelled, and the school itself was destroyed in the year 489, by order of the Emperor Zeno, the banished youths carried home with them a warm sympathy for Nestorius, and various causes combined to extend it among the Persian ecclesiastics. In the year 498, the sect had so multiplied, as to have the appointment of the Archbishop of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, who then declared himself Patriarch of the East.

"This sect continued to flourish, though occasionally persecuted, under the Persians, the Saracens, and the Tartars. They had celebrated schools for theology and general education. For centuries they maintained missions in Tartary, China, and other eastern regions. Their churches were scattered from Syria and Cyprus to Pekin, and from the coast of Malabar and Ceylon to the borders of Siberia. Early in the eleventh century, Unkh Khan, a Tartar prince on the northern borders of China, invited Nestorian missionaries among his people, and himself became the famous Prester John. Gengis Khan and several of his sons and grandsons, who conquered China and almost all Asia and a part of Europe, were connected with Prester John by marriage. Several of them had Christian wives, and one of them at least professed himself a Christian. Under some of this dynasty, Central Asia was comparatively a civilized country; and Christian travellers passed with safety from the banks of the Euphrates to Samarcand and Pekin. Some of the Chinese emperors favored Christianity, and ordered the erection of numerous churches. Meanwhile the sword of Moslem fanaticism was advancing eastward. Bagdad fell before it, and all the country on the Euphrates; then Persia, then Cabul, and the regions of the north. The Nestorian Church being thus crushed at home, its missions languished. And finally, about the year 1400, Tamerlane, who has been called 'the greatest of conquerors,' swept like a whirlwind over the remains of Nestorian Christianity, prostrating everything in his course."1

1 Tracey's History, p. 312. See also Missionary Herald for 1838, pp. 289-298. Narses on being expelled from Edessa, opened a school at Nisibis, A. D. 490, which became celebrated. About the same time, Acacius, also from Edessa, established a school at Seleucia. It was revived in 530, and was in existence as late as 605. A school was established at Dorkena, A. D. 585. At Bagdad were two schools in 832, and two others were in its neighborhood. Schools existed at Terhana, Mahuza, Maraga, and Adiabene, in Assyria, and at Maraga, in Aderbijan. There were also schools in Elam, Persia, Korassan, and Arabia. The school at Nisibis had a three years' course of study. The studies to a great extent were theological; but to the study of the Bible, they added, in the schools generally, the study of grammar, rhetoric, poetry, dialetics, arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy, medicine, etc.

From Malta, Mr. and Mrs. Perkins proceeded to Constantinople, where they were cordially welcomed by Messrs. Goodell and Dwight, near the close of the year. After a sojourn of five months, awaiting the proper season for travelling, they took passage, in an English vessel, for Trebizond; and there they commenced their long land travel of seven hundred miles to Oroomiah.

Mrs. Perkins was the first American lady to visit Trebizond, and the inhabitants thronged the streets to gaze upon her as she passed through the city. On the day of their entrance into Erzroom, they crossed the Euphrates, which is there only a few rods wide, and easily forded on horseback. The city is on an elevated plain, cultivated through almost its whole extent, with numerous villages everywhere in sight.

They were now in one of the oldest cities in the world, founded, as tradition says, by a grandson of Noah, and had gone over a third of the distance to Tabriz, and the most difficult part of the journey. Here they were detained nearly a month by the incursions of Koordish robbers along the direct road to Tabriz. The Pasha having gone with his troops to drive back the marauders, Mr. Perkins resumed his journey on the 15th of July. Next day he overtook the Pasha, who assured him that he could not safely go in advance of his army. The only alternative was to return to Erzroom for several weeks, or take a circuitous route through the Russian provinces. He thought it best to choose the latter course, and the Pasha kindly furnished him with a guard of horsemen as far as the frontier. On the 22d they crossed into Georgia, and soon found themselves subjected to a most annoying quarantine of fourteen days. The laws of the empire in that province were very oppressive, particularly in their operation upon travellers. The ukase of the Emperor Alexander, favoring the introduction of foreign goods for ten years subsequent to 1822, had expired. Consequently Mr. Perkins was not allowed to take any of his baggage with him, except wearing apparel, not even medicines; he was required to send all back into Turkey. Resuming his journey on the 7th of August, Mr. Perkins passed on rapidly to the Arras, which divides Georgia from Persia. Here he was needlessly and wantonly detained six days, for his passports. The hardships resulting from such treatment, with other causes, had now brought Mrs. Perkins into a very critical state of health. As a last resort, Mr. Perkins addressed a letter to Sir John Campbell, British ambassador at Tabriz, describing their situation, and enclosing his letters of introduction to that gentleman. Scarcely had he crossed into Persia, three days after, although his distance from Tabriz was not less than a hundred miles, when he was met by a courier from the ambassador, with a letter written in the kindest terms, and the duplicate of another which he had procured from the Russian ambassador to the officials on the frontier, with a view to put an immediate stop to Mr. Perkins' detention. The kindness of the same gentleman led him to send a takhtrawan for Mrs. Perkins, together with delicacies for her comfort on the way.

A providential escape occurred during the first night after crossing the Arras. Their road led up a high mountain. As they were ascending it, the forward mule of the takhtrawan became obstinate, and suddenly ran back, forcing the one behind upon the very brink of the precipice, along which the road ran; and had not divine mercy stayed them just there, takhtrawan, bearers, and occupant would have been dashed down the precipice together.

The following day, they had the pleasure of meeting Dr. Riach, physician of the embassy, whom they had seen at Constantinople, and who had come, with a Russian travelling passport, determined to cross the frontier, if necessary, and remain with them until their liberation. The medical skill of Dr. Riach did much to aid Mrs. Perkins in completing the journey to Tabriz, where they arrived on the 23d of August, seventy-four days after their departure from Trebizond. Three days after, Mrs. Perkins became the mother of a daughter, of whose existence she was unconscious for several days. Her life was probably saved, under God, through the combined skill and kind attentions of three English physicians, who were then providentially at Tabriz. The Ambassador was exceedingly kind; so were Mr. and Mrs. Nesbit, who have been already introduced to the reader. Dr. Riach, afterwards at the head of the embassy, stayed five days and nights with Mrs. Perkins, not retiring from the house till he saw some hope of her recovery. "The treatment we received from them on our first arrival," writes the missionary nine years after, "is but a specimen of their kindness to us from that period to the present."

The field about to be occupied was of limited extent. The Nestorians numbered not more than one hundred and fifty thousand souls. Their territory extended from Lake Oroomiah three hundred miles westward to the Tigris, and two hundred miles from north to south, embracing some most rugged mountain ranges, and several very beautiful and fertile plains, the largest of which formed the district of Oroomiah. Education was then at the lowest ebb among the people, hardly a score of men being intelligent readers, while only one woman, the sister of Mar. Shimon, was able to read at all. They had no printed books, and but very few manuscripts of even portions of the Bible, and these were in the ancient Syriac, which was an unknown tongue to almost all of them. Their spoken language was an unwritten dialect of the Syriac. Still deeper was their moral degradation, almost every command of the decalogue being transgressed without compunction, or even shame when detected. Yet they were entirely accessible to the Protestant missionary, and were more Scriptural in their doctrines and ritual, with far less of bigotry, than any other Oriental sect; so much so, indeed, that the Nestorians were sometimes called the "Protestants of Asia."

Mr. Perkins wisely determined upon acquiring a knowledge of the Syriac before going to reside among them. To obtain a teacher, he visited Oroomiah in October, accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Haas, of the Basle Missionary Society, then residing at Tabriz. The manner in which he was everywhere received by the Nestorians was exceedingly encouraging, and he obtained the services of Mar Yohannan, one of their most intelligent bishops, as a teacher, who brought with him a young priest, scarcely less promising than the bishop himself.

Asahel Grant, M. D., and wife, left Trebizond for Persia September 17, 1835, accompanied by Rev. James L. Merrick, who was to commence a mission to the Mohammedans of Persia. Mr. Perkins met them at Erzroom, to assist on their journey through the inhospitable region of the Koords.

The province called Oroomiah is situated in the northwestern part of modern Persia. It is the northwestern part of ancient Media. A beautiful lake, eighty miles long and thirty broad, and four thousand feet above the level of the sea, is its boundary on the east, and a chain of snow-covered mountains bounds it on the west. The water of the lake is so salt and bituminous that fish cannot live in it, while its shores are enlivened by numerous water-fowl, of which the beautiful flamingo is most conspicuous.1 The plain contains about three hundred villages and hamlets, and is covered with fields, gardens, and vineyards, which are irrigated by streams from the mountains. The landscape is one of the most lovely in the East, and its effect is heightened by its contrast with the adjacent heights, on which not a solitary tree is to be seen. Along the water-courses are willows, poplars, and sycamores; and the peach, apricot, pear, plum, and other fruits impart to large sections the appearance of a forest. Near the centre of the plain, four hundred feet above the lake, stands the city of Oroomiah. It dates from a remote antiquity, and claims to be the birthplace of Zoroaster. It is built chiefly of unburnt brick, is surrounded by a high mud wall and a ditch, and has a population of twenty-five thousand, of whom the larger part are Mohammedans. The Nestorians of the plain were estimated at twenty thousand.

1 An analysis of the water of the lake is said to have proved it to be highly charged with sulphureted hydrogen.

Dr. Grant left Tabriz six days in advance of his associates, to prepare for their coming. But so tardy had been the carpenters, that Mr. Perkins and the ladies found things in a very sorry condition. It was late in November, and after facing a driving rain all day, they had to content themselves with unfinished and unfurnished rooms; and as the muleteers did not arrive with their baggage, they had neither bedding, nor a change of clothing. But they had a blazing fire, and provisions from the market, with a sharpened appetite, and slept comfortably on piles of shavings, covered with the clothes they had dried by the fire.

Dr. Grant awakened great interest as a physician. He was continually thronged with patients sick with all manner of diseases, real and imaginary. Moslems and Nestorians came together. Children brought their aged parents, and mothers their little ones. Those blinded by ophthalmia were led by the hand. Those relieved from suffering were ready to kiss his feet, or even his shoes at the door. But it was a laborious and trying position. A thousand silly questions must be answered. Nor was there any certainty that the prescriptions would be followed, even if understood; and every Nestorian, though suffering under the most alarming disease, would sooner die than touch a spoonful of chicken-broth during a fast. Dr. Grant gained great repute by the removal of cataracts, and the consequent restoration of sight. There were patients from great distances. Nestorians came from the mountains, Koordish chiefs from the regions beyond, and some from the distant borders of Georgia. Among the multitudes, were the governor of the province, two princes of the royal family, and many of the Persian nobles. His services were gratuitous, he made no show to attract customers, and being ready to aid the native physicians with both medicine and instruction he gave them no offense.

Dr. Grant possessed a rare fitness for the position. I have a vivid recollection of him at the time of the annual meeting of the Board at Utica in 1834, when he presented himself, one stormy evening, to offer his services as a physician for the mission to the Nestorians. What specially impressed me was his commanding form and mien, joined with calm decision and courage, qualities eminently fitting him for a life in Koordistan. The impressions made by that brief personal interview, were sustained and strengthened through a most intimate correspondence till his death.

It is in the early stage of a mission, that the value of a pious physician is most apparent. With the exaggerated conceptions usually entertained of the temporal blessings he is able to confer, he is welcomed by all classes from the first. Every door is opened, every man and woman is accessible. The good-will thus awakened is more or less shared by his fellow missionaries, and is thus likely to be all the sooner confirmed by a spiritual appreciation of the Gospel.

Soon after their arrival, the missionaries were invited to attend a wedding at Geog-tapa, a large Nestorian village five miles distant. As they approached, a multitude came out to meet them, with trumpets and drums, and shouts of "welcome, welcome." The pupils of an English school, which priest Abraham had opened, saluted them with "good morning." They found a fat buffalo just knocked down before the bridegroom's house, and the bride was standing, like a veiled statue, in the farther corner of a large room, which was soon filled by the rushing multitude. It was customary to have the marriage ceremony in the church, commencing at least an hour before day because of its length, and because all parties, even the officiating priests, were obliged to fast till it was over; but out of regard to the strangers, it was deferred till their arrival, and was in the dwelling of the bridegroom's family. Priest Abraham officiated, assisted by two other priests and by several deacons, in reading the prayers and Scripture selections, all in the ancient Syriac. After an hour's reading, the time came for joining hands. Several women caught hold of the veiled bride, and pulled her by main force half across the room toward her intended husband. Several men at the same time seized the bridegroom, who, after a modest resistance, yielded and advanced towards the bride. He was not able to secure her hand, however, without a struggle, but at length succeeded; and then both took a submissive stand near the officiating clergy. After reading another hour or more, the bishops, priests, and missionaries, with the multitude, advanced and kissed the married pair.

Mr. Perkins engaged Mar Gabriel, a bishop, fair in form, but of a restless spirit, to reside with him as his teacher in Syriac; and the year did not close before this indefatigable missionary commenced reducing the modern Syriac to writing, with the aid of priest Abraham, who wrote a beautiful hand. His first translation was the Lord's Prayer. The Nestorians were much interested, having never heard reading in their spoken language. Even the sober priest could not refrain from immoderate laughter, as he repeated line after line of his own writing.

What soon became a seminary for males was commenced on the 18th of January, 1836, with seven boys from the city, and the number was soon increased to fifty by accessions from the surrounding region, among whom were three deacons and one priest. Manuscript cards prepared by Mr. Perkins supplied the place of books. They read in the ancient Syriac, and the cards in the modern dialect, and in English, and also wrote with their fingers in sand-boxes, and made some progress in arithmetic. There were several free schools, but only a very small proportion of the hundred pupils were females. Several of the clergy resided with the mission, and conducted worship once on each Sabbath in their own language. At this service a portion of Scripture was read, which they had previously studied with Mr. Perkins, and its meaning was explained and enforced. It is a singular fact, that Dr. Grant was obliged to teach a Mohammedan school during a small part of each day, to quiet the Mussulmans, who were jealous of these favors to their despised Christian subjects, and resentfully inquired, "Are we to be passed by?"

Experience showed that the families had been removed to Oroomiah too soon; for it took place during cold weather, and the new mud used in repairing the walls of their chambers had not been sufficiently dried. This predisposed them to disease during the hot, malarious summer, when all were more or less affected with illness. A bilious fever brought Mr. Perkins to the borders of the grave; and while he lay thus sick, and at one time insensible, Dr. and Mrs. Grant were seized with fever and ague. Missionary labors were of course suspended. The Nestorians sympathized deeply, and rendered all the aid in their power, and Mohammedans also manifested much concern.

CHAPTER XII.

THE NESTORIANS.

1836-1840.

The two missionaries and priest Abraham narrowly escaped assassination by ruffians of a class called Lootee, while on a visit to the village of Mar Joseph. Walking quietly through the village they encountered three of these fellows, in a narrow path lined by a hedge, with a horse placed across to obstruct their progress. Priest Abraham stepped forward, and was mildly requesting them to allow his party to pass, when one raised his dagger to strike him. Seeing the defenseless priest in peril, Mr. Perkins instinctively sprang forward, and the assassin turned upon him. Nothing but his fall at the moment the weapon struck him, saved him from instant death. As it was, the dagger cut through his clothes, and punctured his side. Seeing his associates thus hard beset, Dr. Grant, who was behind, ran up and brought his riding whip with such force across the villain's eyes, as to confuse him for the moment, and in the confusion the party ran into a house and barred the doors. The priest received a cut in the head, but Mr. Perkins was not seriously wounded. Through the efforts of the British ambassador, the Lootee received so severe a chastisement from the Persian authorities, as made them careful, ever after, how they injured any member of the mission.

A printing establishment was much needed; and a press was sent with the Rev. Albert L. Holliday and Mr. William R. Stocking, who sailed from Boston in January, 1837. At Trebizond, the press was found too unwieldy to be carried overland, and was accordingly sent back to Constantinople and sold to the Armenians, for their high-school at Scutari. The new missionaries were met at Erzroom by Mr. Perkins and Mar Yohannan, and reached their destination in June. Mr. Holliday found the encouragement to labor quite as great as had been represented by the brethren first in the field.

The extreme poverty of the Nestorians had the same effect on the first missionaries, that like causes have had in some other portions of the unevangelized world. It caused the whole expense of schools and of the agency employed to be thrown upon the Christian public at home. The board of the fifty scholars in the seminary was paid by the mission, and people in the villages thought they could not afford to send their children to the village schools, unless each of them was paid two or three cents a day to buy their bread. They said their children could earn as much by weeding the cotton, or driving the oxen; and the brethren naturally rejoiced in being able to afford this aid. Among the students of the seminary at this time, were two bishops, three priests, and four deacons, who of course were adults. Pupils in the first rudiments of their own language received twelve and a half cents a week for their support, and the more advanced received twenty-five cents. Experience was as needful to discover the best methods of missionary labor, as of any other untried undertaking.

The mission now had eight native helpers, among whom were three bishops and two priests, all, except one, residing with the mission. That one was the venerable Mar Elias, the oldest bishop in the province, who superintended one of the schools. He had adopted the practice of translating portions of the Epistles, which he read statedly in his church. Some of the people were much delighted with the innovation; but others, and a profligate priest among them, complained that he annoyed them with the precepts of "Paul, Paul, Paul," of whom they had scarcely ever heard before. But the good bishop did not regard the opposition.

Mrs. Grant was the first member of the mission, called away by death. She had been thoroughly educated, and the two bishops in her family wondered to see a woman learning Syriac through the Latin language. Nor was their wonder less when she turned to the Greek for the meaning of some difficult passage in the New Testament. Finding the prejudices of the people too strong to permit her to begin a girls' school at once, she taught her own female domestics to read, and then sought to interest mothers in the education of their daughters. At length she succeeded in collecting a small school of girls, of which she was the first teacher. When too sick to leave her chamber, she had the pupils assemble there. This was the beginning of the Female Seminary, which afterwards became so noted under Miss Fiske. It was commenced March 12, 1838, with four pupils, but the number soon increased, and Mrs. Perkins rendered valuable aid. Mrs. Grant readily learned to speak the Turkish, and to read the ancient Syriac. The modern Syriac she was able both to read and write, and the French she could speak before leaving home. But, cultured and refined as she was, she declared the time spent in the mission field among that rude people, to have been the happiest part of her life. The aid she rendered her husband in his medical practice, added not a little to her usefulness. She had great aptness and skill in the sick chamber, and like her divine Master went about doing good; yet without neglecting her household affairs. Her death occurred on the 14th of January, 1839, at the age of twenty-five. She was greatly lamented by the Nestorians. The bishops said to the afflicted husband, "We will bury her in the church, where none but holy men are buried;" and her death produced a subdued and tender spirit throughout the large circle of her acquaintance. This better state of feeling continued through the year, especially in the seminary.

Priest Dunka, from one of the independent tribes, gave indications of piety. He had learned the alphabet in his childhood, while tending his father's flocks on the mountains, and became a reader without farther instruction. At Oroomiah he was now both a learner and helper. Three months of the summer he spent among his native mountains, preaching the Gospel in the villages around his home. Little of the truth had been heard there for ages, except in the unknown language of the liturgy, but the people were eager to listen.

In September, Robert Glen, son of the Rev. William Glen of Tabriz, was hopefully converted while at Oroomiah on a visit. He was born at Astrakhan, where his father labored seventeen years as a missionary, and was now employed as a teacher in a small school of Moslem young men. The mission at this time had twelve schools in as many villages, containing two hundred and seventy-two males, with twenty-two females; and seventeen pupils in the female boarding-school, and fifty-five in the seminary, which was taught by a priest and deacon, under the supervision of Mr. Stocking.

The scarcity of copies of the Holy Scriptures among the Nestorian people would be remarkable, in view of their receiving them as their rule of faith and practice, if we did not remember how sorely they had been persecuted in the past, and how much they still suffered from Moslem oppression. Excepting the Psalms, which entered largely into the prescribed form of worship, they had but one copy of the Old Testament, and that was in a number of volumes, the property of several individuals. The British and Foreign Bible Society had printed the Gospels in the Nestorian character; but they had scarcely more than a single copy of the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles, and none of the Book of Revelation, in their own character. Of course all was in the ancient language.

Dr. Grant had been suffering for some time before the death of his wife, from the climate of the plain; and he was now instructed by his Committee to commence a station, if possible, among the Nestorians on the western side of the Koordish mountains. Incapable of fear, he had vainly sought the consent of his brethren to penetrate the mountains directly from the plain. It was the belief of the Committee that, with his medical skill and his courage and address, he could do this with safety; but the brethren of the mission had been so impressed by the murder of Mr. Schultz, on that route, that they could not consent; and the opinions of brethren on the ground were not to be disregarded. He was, however, authorized to enter the mountains from the west, in the belief that, once established there, he would soon find his way opened on every side.

On the first of April, 1839, Dr. Grant left Oroomiah, expecting to meet Mr. Homes at Erzroom, who had been appointed to accompany him. An unusually late fall of snow made the journey perilous. For more than two hundred miles, it was from two to four feet deep; and for twenty miles, in the mountains beyond Ararat, there was not a single human habitation. In descending, the only way he could know when he was out of the path, was by the depth to which he sank in the snow. In the pass of Dahar, near the sources of the Euphrates, where Messrs. Smith and Dwight had well-nigh perished, the guide lost the path in a snow-storm, and declared it impossible to go on. The snow was too deep for the horses. Turning back was out of the question, as their tracks were obliterated by the wind, which would then be in their faces. Though benumbed and feeble, the courage of Dr. Grant did not fail. He could not tell how deliverance would come, but had a sweet assurance that God would send it, and encouraged his companions to new effort. Just then four mountaineers came tramping over the snow before them, and one of them consenting to turn back, they passed safely on foot, the man breaking down the drifts for the horses, and exploring the path by thrusting his long staff deep into the snow. He reached Erzroom on the seventeenth, and rested with his kind friend Dr. Riach, who had retired from Teheran, because of impending war between England and Persia. Dr. Grant's health had improved amid all his hardships.

Learning that Mr. Homes was detained at Constantinople, he started for Trebizond on the eighteenth, with no attendant except the surijee from the post-house, and there took a steamer for Constantinople. Mr. Homes not being yet able to accompany him, he returned alone to Erzroom, and proceeded thence to Diarbekir, where he arrived May 30. He found the city waiting in suspense for news from the battle of Nizib, between the forces of Mohammed Ali and the Sultan. The defeat of the latter was soon manifest in the arrival of hundreds of fugitives, completely stripped by the Koords. Anarchy reigned from that moment, and the city was filled with robbery and murder. The people ascribed their defeat to Frank innovations in military tactics; and when Mr. Homes arrived, the brethren not only heard curses against themselves in the streets, but an openly expressed purpose to kill every European in the place. The thermometer was then 98 in the shade, and their danger from both climate and people induced them to leave for Mardin, which they did with an escort of thirty horsemen. Such was their personal danger even at Mardin, only a few days after their arrival, that the governor offered them a guard. This they declined, not thinking it best to manifest any alarm, and the excitement soon apparently died away. But, two months later, a mob killed the governor in his palace in open day, and also several leading men, and then sought the lodgings of the missionaries, intending to kill them. Providentially they had ridden out farther than usual that morning, in a vain search for a caravan, and before their return, the Koords had shut the gates, to prevent the entrance of government troops. That saved the lives of our brethren, who retired to the convent of the Syrian Patriarch, a few miles distant, which their enemies did not dare to attack.

In the midst of so much peril, and with so little hope of usefulness, Mr. Homes, by the advice of brethren at Constantinople and Smyrna, resolved to return, and Dr. Grant did not withhold his consent. "Within the ruined walls of an ancient church," he writes, "in a lonely ravine, overlooked by the town, I exchanged the parting embrace with my brother and companion in tribulation. On account of the anarchy around us, we had travelled together barely two days, but on a bed of sickness, and surrounded by men of blood, I had learned to prize the company of a Christian friend. Yet, while Providence called him back to Constantinople, to me it seemed to cry, 'Onward to the mountains!'"

Dr. Grant resolved to go to Mosul. Disguised in an Oriental dress, he returned to Mardin to prepare for his journey, and while there, his safety was insured by the surrender of the town to the Pasha of Mosul. On his way, he was favored with the company of Captain Conolly, the bearer of despatches for India, whose sad fate on the banks of the Oxus afterwards occasioned the journey of Dr. Wolff to Bokhara. The distance was nearly two hundred miles, and they arrived at Mosul on the 20th of September.

Fully resolved to penetrate the fastnesses of Koordistan, and trusting in the protecting power of his gracious Lord, Dr. Grant left Mosul on the 7th of October, with two Nestorians from Persia, a Koordish muleteer, and a kavass from the Pasha. Crossing the bridge of twenty-one boats, which spans the Tigris, he was amid the ruins of Nineveh, and soon reached a Yezidee village, where he was hospitably received. On the 15th, as he approached Duree, near the borders of Tiary, deep Syriac gutturals from stentorian voices in the rocks above him demanded who he was, where he was going, and what he wanted. Had he been a Papist, he would have been robbed; as it was, the frightened kavass lost all courage, and begged permission to return.

When the people heard him speak their own language, they gathered around, and welcomed him to their mountain home. His fame as a physician had preceded him, and they came for medicine from all directions. The venerable bishop, with a long white beard, took him into their ancient church, which was a cave high up on the mountain side, with heavy masonry in front, and dark within. Here the bishop slept, to be in readiness for early morning prayers, and he was pleased with the gift of a box of matches to light his lamp.

A loftier range still separated Dr. Grant from Tiary, the "munition of rocks," which he describes as "an amphitheatre of mountains broken with dark, deep defiles and narrow glens, that for ages had been the secure abodes of this branch of the Christian Church." He had been warned at Mosul, not to enter this region without an escort from the Patriarch. But he could not afford the delay, and as the bishop encouraged him, he resolved to go alone. Exchanging his Turkish boots for the bishop's sandals, made of hair, to avoid a fatal slip on the smooth, narrow ledges of the mountain, he set off early on the 18th. An hour and a half brought him to the summit. Retiring to a sequestered corner, where he could feast his eyes with the prospect, his thoughts went back to the period when the Nestorians traversed Asia, and, for more than a thousand years, preached the Gospel in Tartary, Mongolia, and China. Though the flame of vital piety was almost quenched on their altars, his faith anticipated the day when those glens would reëcho the glad praises of God; and down he sped, over cliffs and slippery ledges, to the large village of Lezan, on the banks of the noisy Zab. Scarcely had he entered it, when a young man, the only one he had ever seen from this remote region, from whose eyes he had removed a cataract a year before, came with a present of honey, and introduced him at once to the confidence of the people. He became so thronged with the sick from all the region, that he had to forbid more than three or four coming forward at once.

Leaving Lezan, he went up to Ashita, where he became the guest of a priest, reported to be the most learned of living Nestorians, who had spent twenty years in copying, in beautiful style, the few works of Nestorian literature; but even he had not an entire Bible. He was electrified by Dr. Grant's account of the press, that could do his twenty years' work in a less number of hours. At Kerme, where he arrived on the twenty-fifth, almost exhausted by a walk of ten long hours, he was soon recognized and welcomed by a Nestorian, who had received medical aid from him two years before at Oroomiah. Starting the next morning for the Patriarch's residence, he forded a river on horseback, that was fifty or sixty yards across. He was now on the caravan road from Salmas to Julamerk. In the more precipitous places, the rock had been cut away and regular steps chiseled out. He was received by the Patriarch with great cordiality, without the extravagant compliments so common with the Persians. "And now," said the Patriarch, "you will make my house your own, and regard me as your older brother." Mar Shimon was thirty-eight years old, above the middle stature, well-proportioned, with a pleasant, expressive, and rather intelligent countenance; and his large flowing robes, his Koordish turban, and his long gray beard, gave him a patriarchal and venerable appearance, that was heightened by a uniformly dignified demeanor. But for the fire in his eye and his activity, he would have been thought nearer fifty than thirty-eight. Being the temporal as well as spiritual head of his people, the difficulties of his situation were assigned as the cause of his hoary hair and beard.

During the five weeks spent in the patriarchal mansion, Dr. Grant had an opportunity to see Nestorians of intelligence and influence from all parts of the mountains, and elicited from them information such as he could not have gained in any other way. At parting, the Patriarch presented him one of the ancient manuscripts of his library. It was the New Testament, written on parchment, in the old Estrangelo character, seven hundred and forty years before. It was presented by Dr. Grant to the library of the American Board, and is now there.

His next sojourn was in the castle of Nûrûllah Bey, chief of the independent Hakary Koords, two days from the residence of the Patriarch. The Bey was very sick; and becoming impatient under the slow operation of the medicine given him by the doctor, he sent a messenger for him at midnight. "The sentinels upon the ramparts," says Dr. Grant, "were sounding the watch-cry in the rough tones of their native Koordish. We entered the outer court through wide, iron-cased folding-doors. A second iron door opened into a long dark alley, which conducted to the room where the chief was lying. It was evident that he was becoming impatient; and as I looked upon the swords, pistols, guns, spears, and daggers—the ordinary furniture of a Koordish castle—which hung around the walls of the room, I could not but think of the fate of the unfortunate Schultz, who had fallen, as it is said, by the orders of this sanguinary chief. He had the power of life and death in his hands. I knew I was entirely at his mercy; but I felt that I was under the guardian care of One, who had the hearts of kings in His keeping."

The chieftain recovered, and, in token of his gratitude, made his benefactor the present of a horse. Dr. Grant describes him as a man of noble bearing, fine open countenance, and about thirty years of age. This important journey was completed on the 7th of December, 1839.

The Rev. Willard Jones and wife arrived in the month previous; and the Rev. Austin H. Wright, M. D., and wife, in the following July, to take Dr. Grant's place as missionary physician; and Mr. Edward Breath, a printer, in November. A press, made for the mission, to be taken to pieces and so rendered portable, came with the printer, much to the satisfaction of the people. A font of Syro-Chaldaic type had previously been received from London, through the kindness of the Rev. Joseph Jowett, editorial superintendent of the British and Foreign Bible Society's publications. The press was the more seasonable, because the Jesuits had commenced their characteristic and determined efforts to get possession of the field. The vain young bishop, Mar Gabriel, imagining himself to have been slighted by his clerical brethren, and being strongly assailed with flatteries and offers of money, had, in an evil hour, encouraged them to come among his people. On reflection he repented of his rashness, called in the aid of his Protestant friends, and wrote to Boré, the French Jesuit, warning him to keep aloof from his people. Boré was enraged, and replied that, having a firman from the King of Persia permitting him to open schools, he should open one at Ardishai. But Gabriel and the mission had already opened a school under one of the best teachers from the Seminary, and soon opened another,—the two containing sixty scholars; while the Jesuit's school, commencing with nine scholars, dwindled to four or five. One of the first works of the press was to print a tract in the Syriac language, entitled "Twenty-two Plain Reasons for not being a Roman Catholic." The Nestorians were exceedingly interested by the array of Scripture texts against the corrupt doctrines and practices of that sect. This was followed by a thousand copies of the Psalms.

The gradual revival of preaching in this ancient Church, became now apparent. At the earnest request of the people, a circuit was formed of seven preaching stations, at all of which the missionaries were aided by ecclesiastics, three of them bishops.

Thus, with the hearty approval of both bishops and priests, the missionaries began to preach in the churches, and so great was the demand for preaching that Mr. Stocking was ordained. The ordination took place in one of the Nestorian churches. Mr. Perkins felt that spiritual death, rather than theological error, was the calamity of the Nestorians. Their liturgy was composed, in general, of unexceptionable and excellent matter, and the charge of heresy on the subject of Christ's character, he pronounces unjust. The Nicene Creed, which they always repeat at the close of their worship, accords very nearly with that venerable document, as it has been handed down to us.1

1 Annual Report of the Board for 1841, p. 114.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE MOUNTAIN NESTORIANS.

1840-1844.

We paused in the history of the Nestorian mission at the return of Dr. Grant to Oroomiah, after a successful exploration of the mountains of Koordistan. He remained there till the 7th of May, 1840. During this time, two brothers of the Patriarch visited the mission, and urged its extension into the mountains. Mar Shimon also wrote, renewing his request for a visit in the spring. Dr. Grant had but little prospect of recovering his health on the plain; and the welfare of his two sons in the United States, children of his first marriage, and the three children then with him at Oroomiah, seemed to require that he revisit his native land. Two of these last mentioned sickened and died in January. Having then only one son to take with him, four years of age, he decided to return through the mountains, and revisit the Patriarch on his way. It was a perilous journey so early in the season, especially with so tender a companion; but the brave little fellow appears to have endured the snows and precipices of Koordistan as well as the father. The boy was everywhere a favorite, both with Koords and Nestorians. One night the snow was so deep near the summit of a mountain that they were obliged to sleep under the open sky, with the thermometer below zero; but the Patriarch's brothers had carpets enough to keep them warm until three in the morning, when the light of the moon enabled them to resume their journey. Mar Shimon was then a guest of Suleiman Bey, in the castle of Julamerk, and with him they spent ten days. Nûrûllah Bey had gone to Erzroom to negotiate for the subjugation of the Independent Nestorians to the Turkish rule, having already relinquished his own personal independence, and become a Pasha of the empire. Suleiman Bey was a relative of the Emir, and had been the leader of the party that murdered Mr. Schultz. He showed special kindness to Dr. Grant. His mother and sister, as also the sister and mother of the Patriarch, with womanly forethought, loaded the Doctor with supplies for the inhospitable road before them. He found the Emir at Van on his return home, and discovered what had been the object of his journey to Erzroom. When Dr. Grant arrived there, with clothes worn and ragged from the roughness of the journey, he had the happiness of meeting Dr. Wright, then on his way to Oroomiah. The two brethren called on the gentlemen of the Persian embassy, then at Erzroom, and one of them, observing Dr. Grant's erect and commanding person, remarked that a good soldier was spoiled when that man became a missionary. At Trebizond he gladly exchanged the saddle for the quiet of the steamer, which took him to Constantinople, and he arrived at Boston on the 3d of October.

Having embraced the theory, that the Nestorians are descendants of the lost Ten Tribes of Israel, Dr. Grant, with characteristic industry, employed such time as he could command during his missionary travels and his homeward voyage, in preparing a volume in support of these views. It was published both in this country and in England, and attracted considerable attention. The celebrated Dr. Edward Robinson deemed it deserving of an elaborate discussion in the "American Biblical Repository," in which he makes a strong argument against the theory.1

1 See American Biblical Repository, 1841, vol. vi. of new series, pp. 454-482, and vol. vii. pp. 26-68.

In January, 1841, Dr. Grant had the pleasure of witnessing the departure of the Rev. Messrs. Abel K. Hinsdale and Colby C. Mitchell, and their wives, for the Mountain Nestorians. They went by way of Aleppo and Mosul, that being the more practicable route for females; but the Doctor, thinking to reach the mountains before them, and prepare for their arrival, went himself by way of Constantinople, Erzroom, and Van. He was at Constantinople May 14th, and at Van on the first day of July. The journey from Erzroom to that place was wearisome and perilous, famine, the plague, and predatory Koords harassing him nearly all the way.

Van, with fourteen thousand Armenian population, though at that time difficult of access, was even then regarded as an important place for a missionary station, and preferable for residence to most others in the interior. Being five thousand feet above the level of the sea, it was not subject to oppressive heats. There were fruitful gardens on the one hand, stretching for miles over the plain, and on the other, the placid lake, and snow-capped mountains; altogether forming a very striking landscape. A small Nestorian community had formed a settlement on the mountains within three or four hours of Van.

Dr. Grant reached the summer residence of the Patriarch on the 9th of July, and was cordially received as before; and the same may be said of his intercourse with the mountaineers. He mentions several places in Koordistan as having strong claims for a missionary station, but gives the preference to Asheta in Tiary.

While at Asheta, he received painful tidings of the death of Mr. and Mrs. Mitchell, and the sickness of Mr. and Mrs. Hinsdale, and immediately started for Mosul, though at much risk from Koords on the frontier, and from roving Arabs near the Tigris. He reached Mosul on the 25th of August, in time to minister successfully to Mr. Hinsdale, whose life had been seriously endangered by a relapse of fever.

Messrs. Hinsdale and Mitchell were forty-one days on their voyage to Smyrna, from whence an Austrian steamer took them to Beirût. Mr. and Mrs. Beadle accompanied them as far as Aleppo, to commence a new station. Mr. Mitchell had a slight attack of fever and ague at Aleppo, which detained him till the 28th of May. That was rather late in the season, still all might have gone well, had they been able to press on with the usual speed. The abundant green grass on the plain, however, caused the muleteers to loiter, and, once on the road, the company was entirely at their mercy. Still the journey, as far as Mardin, where they arrived June 19th, was both pleasant and prosperous. On the plain below the city Mr. Mitchell, in efforts to keep their tent from being blown down in a storm, became wet and chilled. This brought on another fit of ague, which was repeated after three days. On the 25th, with scarcely any apparent disease, he lost his reason, and from that time drooped, like the withering of a plant, till he died on the morning of June 27th, 1841. The Koordish villagers refused the Christian a grave, nor would they aid in carrying the body a few miles to the Jacobite village Telabel, The survivors had not strength themselves to carry it, but secured its conveyance thither as best they could. There they buried the mortal remains in the village cemetery, and two rude stones mark the grave.

Eight hours brought them in sight of the Tigris, at Beshabor. The next day they crossed on rafts supported by inflated goat-skins, and, on the 30th, rode six and a half hours to a Yezidee village. Next morning, after riding an hour, Mrs. Mitchell became too ill to proceed, and she lay four days in a mud hovel, among Arabs so rude that they could not be kept from the sick room, where they laid their hands on whatever they fancied. To remain there was out of the question, so Mr. Hinsdale constructed a litter, and at exorbitant prices obtained men from a distant village to carry it. She had to be repeatedly laid upon the ground, while he rode far and near to find four men willing to perform the degrading service of carrying a woman. At length the sun became so hot, that they could travel only by night. Their troubles were somewhat relieved by the services of a man, whom Mr. Rassam had kindly sent to meet them. On the 7th of July, they entered Mosul, and were cordially welcomed by Mr. and Mrs. Rassam. Mrs. Mitchell's disease then assumed a new form, and from that time till her death, on the 12th, her reason was dethroned. Mr. Hinsdale was taken violently ill before the death of Mrs. Mitchell, and Mrs. Hinsdale was unable to render any assistance to her husband. It was in these trying circumstances, that Dr. Grant so opportunely arrived.

There was ample evidence in the subsequent experience of the mission, that these fatal results were not owing to any peculiar hazard in the journey itself, though they may have resulted from the lateness of the season. All the way from Aleppo to Mosul, they had the assistance of Mr. Kotschy, who, in addition to his medical knowledge, had travelled seven years in Western Asia and Africa. The route, moreover, had been, and is still, one of the great highways of nations.

No doubt Divine Providence is always consistent with itself, and with the Saviour's promise; and so would it always appear to us, could we see, as God sees, the end from the beginning. To the devoted missionary, who dies at the outset of his career, all is satisfactory, however painful the circumstances, as soon as he passes the dark portal. Then, too, in contemplating the reverses which were now beginning to thicken upon the mission, we should bear in mind, that the divine plan for the Mountain Nestorian mission, as afterwards appeared, was not that it be prosecuted from the western side of the mountains, but from Oroomiah, the position first taken by the mission; where, as we shall soon see, Gospel influences were gathering a peculiar and most needful strength.

As soon as Mr. Hinsdale was able to travel, he accompanied Dr. Grant on a tour among the Yezidee and Nestorian villages lying near to Mosul.1

1 For an account of this tour, see Missionary Herald, 1842, pp. 310-320.

The Jacobites are a branch of the venerable Church of Antioch, and were then painfully struggling to repel the inroads of the Papacy. As soon as they learned the adherence of the American missionaries to the Bible, and their opposition to Papal innovations, they began to welcome them as friends. Having been duped by the plausible pretenses of the Papists, they were at first cautious in their advances; but a priest from the Syrian Christians in India, named Joseph Matthew, on his way to be ordained metropolitan by the Syrian Patriarch at Mardin, did much to dispel their fears, and promote friendly relations with the missionaries. He was a graduate of the English college at Cotayam, was evangelical in his views, spoke English with propriety, and at once gave the right hand of fellowship to the missionaries, and bespoke for them the confidence of the people. Early in the following year, he returned from Mardin as Bishop Athanasius, and consented to remain and preach among the Jacobites during Dr. Grant's absence in the summer.

Nûrûllah Bey had now commenced making war on the mountain Nestorians, with the aid of the Turks; and the Nestorians, split into hostile parties, were incapable of combined resistance. Suleiman Bey, being opposed to an alliance with Turkey, had seized the reins of government in the absence of the Emir; and since the object of the Osmanlis was to subjugate the Nestorians, as well as the Koords, the Patriarch naturally, but as it proved unhappily, sided with Suleiman.1

1 Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians, p. 203.

Dr. Grant believed it would now be easier to enter the mountains from the east, than from the west. Accordingly he set out for Oroomiah, on the 6th of June, 1842, going the southern route by way of Ravandooz. Mr. Hinsdale and Bishop Athanasius accompanied him the first day. When about to return, the bishop offered prayer in the English language, and thus they parted, not all to meet again. Athanasius wrote a letter to Dr. Grant from Malabar, but with a date nearly a year subsequent to Dr. Grant's death, in which he stated, that his people had welcomed him with great joy, and gladly received the Word of God.1

1 Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians, p. 219.

Dr. Grant crossed the plain of Arbela, where Alexander conquered Persia, and in ten days arrived at Oroomiah. Being impatient to get into the mountains, the mission assembled immediately, and delegated Mr. Stocking to accompany him. Dr. Wright said of him, at this time, that "his spirits were buoyant, his step elastic, and his energy untiring." Two Nestorians went with them, and they had letters from the governor and some Persian nobles to the Persian Khan and the Emir of the Hakary Koords. At Khosrawa, Mr. Stocking was constrained by sickness to return; and both the native assistants were so alarmed by the warlike aspect of things, that they declined going farther. The now solitary traveller succeeded, at the last moment, in getting the brave bishop Mar Yûsûf to be his companion.

The Emir had now broken his treaty with the Sultan, formed two years before in the hope of immediate aid to subdue the Nestorians; and had sworn perpetual allegiance to the Shah, who promised him support against the Sultan. Dr. Grant found Yahya Khan and the Emir at the castle of Charreh, on the summit of an isolated rock near the river of the same name. The tents of more than a dozen chiefs dotted the green banks of the stream. Nûrûllah Bey still professed to regard Dr. Grant as his physician and friend, and in the presence of the Khan promised to protect him and his associates, and permit them to erect buildings in Tiary for themselves and their schools.

The Khan, to whose friendly agency with the Emir Dr. Grant was specially indebted, had a good reputation for integrity. He was a Persian subject, then governor of Salmas, and also chief of a branch of the Hakary tribe. He had married a sister of the Emir, and given him one of his own in return, and another was in the harem of the Shah. He assured his missionary guest of the Emir's personal friendship, and interested himself for his future safety.

After sundry adventures among precipitous mountains and savage Koords, Dr. Grant was once more the guest of Mar Shimon, who kindly received the New Testament, the Psalms, and other books from the mission press. The Doctor was himself suffering from the effects of exposure in a wet dormitory the previous night; but the bracing air of that elevated region renewed his strength, and he was glad to resume his journey towards Asheta, which he had proposed as the site of his first mountain station. On this part of the way he had the company of Mar Shimon, who had then decided not to join the Koords and Persians against the Turks, having discovered that the strife between them was for the supremacy over his own people. Of the two he preferred the Turks. He was, however, advised by Dr. Grant to cultivate the friendship of the Emir. Further than this Dr. Grant would not interfere, being, fully resolved not to meddle with their political relations. A secret correspondence of the Patriarch with the Turkish Pasha, when discovered, cost him the favor of the Emir; and it soon became apparent that the Turks, whatever their pretensions, were resolved upon nothing short of the complete subjugation of his people. It was but too evident, also, to his missionary friend, that the Patriarch was himself more concerned for their political, than for their religious and moral condition.

Amadia, on the western frontier of the Nestorians, had now surrendered to the Turks; and the war on that side of the mountains being ended, Mr. Hinsdale left Mosul on the last day of September, and in eight days was at Asheta. The prospect from the summit on the western side of the valley was of singular beauty. The village of Asheta extended below him for a mile and a half, with numerous plats of grain and vegetables interspersed, the whole diversified with shade trees of various kinds. A short distance above the village was a deep ravine, from which the snow never disappeared. The spot selected for the mission house, was on the summit of a hill, near the centre of the village.

Soon after the arrival of Mr. Hinsdale, the papal bishop of Elkosh and an Italian priest found their way to Asheta. They stated to the Patriarch, that many boxes of presents were on their way from Diarbekir, and requested permission to remain till they arrived. The following Sabbath the Patriarch, with Mar Yûsûf and several priests, held a public discussion with them on the prominent errors of the Papacy. The result was not favorable to their object, and the next day their presents were returned, and they had permission to leave the country. They left during the week, but not till they had taken much pains, though apparently without success, to shake the Patriarch's confidence in the American missionaries. Soon after, early in November, Mr. Hinsdale returned to Mosul.

Up to this time, Mar Yûsûf had been fearless and tolerably patient, but he had now become heartily tired of the mountains, and longed for his peaceful home on the plain. It was the first time in a life of fifty years, that he had been ill when far from home. Yet he had been faithful in imparting religious instruction, and the missionary regretted his departure. Near the close of November, Dr. Grant received a letter from Nûrûllah Bey, requesting his professional services at Julamerk. His Nestorian friends strongly objected to his going, as they were apprehensive of treachery, and not without some reason; but he went, committing his way unto the Lord. He found the chief sick of fever, from which he recovered, through the blessing of God on the remedies employed. There was now opportunity to counteract reports intended to enlist the Emir in measures to destroy the mission. He became convinced that Dr. Grant was neither building a castle at Asheta, nor a bazaar to draw away the trade. Elsewhere, as will appear in the sequel, these reports had a more serious effect.

Dr. Grant had already heard of the arrival of the Rev. Thomas Laurie and wife at Mosul; and two days after, returning from Julamerk, he received the painful intelligence that Mr. Hinsdale was dangerously sick. He at once hastened to his relief, but he was too late. The devoted missionary rested from his labors on the 26th of December, at the age of thirty-five, after a sickness of twenty-four days. His disease was typhus fever. Mr. Hinsdale was a native of Torrington, Connecticut, and received his education at Yale College, and the Auburn Theological Seminary. "On the night of his decease," says Dr. Grant, "while his deeply afflicted wife and Mr. Laurie were sitting by him, he was heard to say, amid the wanderings of his disordered intellect; 'I should love to have the will of my Heavenly Father done!' It was his 'ruling passion strong in death.' Desiring to have the will of God done in all the earth, he had toiled to fit himself for the missionary work, and then, regardless of sacrifices, he had come to a field rich in promise, but full of hardships. His daily spirit, as evinced in all his actions, made me feel that he was just the man for this portion of the Lord's vineyard."

The Papists were, to say the least, not the main cause of Mar Shimon's alienation from his American friends. In 1840, after Dr. Grant had passed through the mountains the second time, on his return to America, the Patriarch was visited by Mr. Ainsworth, travelling at the expense of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Royal Geographical Society. The statements of this gentleman and of his companion, Mr. Rassam, to Mar Shimon, so resembled those made by the Papists, that the Patriarch suspected them of being Jesuits in disguise, and they actually left the mountains without removing that suspicion. Nor was it creditable to them, that they passed through Oroomiah without even calling on the American missionaries there.1

1 See Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians, pp. 151-154. For Mr. Ainsworth's account of this visit, see Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, etc., vol. i. p. 1, and vol. ii. pp. 243-255. It is not necessary here to correct the erroneous statements in the passage referred to.

Had the interference gone no further, not much harm might have ensued. But Mr. Ainsworth's report induced the Christian Knowledge and Gospel Propagation Societies, in 1842, to send the Rev. George Percy Badger as a missionary to the Mountain Nestorians, or rather to the Patriarch and his clergy in the mountains. This was nine years after the commencement of the mission to the Nestorians at Oroomiah, eight years after the republication in England of the Researches of Messrs. Smith and Dwight among the Nestorians, and a year after the publication there of Dr. Grant's work, entitled "The Nestorians, or the Lost Tribes." Nor was there ever a time when the attention of the English nation was more directed to Western Asia.

How much the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London actually knew of the American mission, before officially and strongly commending Mr. Badger to the confidence of the Nestorian Patriarch, is not known. They make no reference whatever to that mission, and write as if they looked upon the field as entirely unoccupied, and open to a mission from the Church of England.

Mr. Badger spent the winter of 1842-43 in Mosul; and, early in the spring, before the mountain roads were open, and while Dr. Grant and Mr. Laurie were preparing at Mosul to visit Asheta, he hastened to the Patriarch, with letters and presents from the dignitaries of the Church of England. The civil relations of the Patriarch to the Koords, the Persians, and the Turks were such at that time, as to make him extremely anxious for the intervention of some foreign power; and he had been frankly told, by the American missionaries, that they could assure him of no such intervention. Coming with letters commendatory from the Primate of all England, the Lord Bishop of London, and the Anglican Bishop of Jerusalem, and with offers of schools, his power for good or evil must have been great. It cannot be that the patrons of Mr. Badger anticipated the attitude he would assume with regard to the American mission. The speedy close of his mission, may be assumed as proof that they did not. But while this is cheerfully admitted, the disastrous consequences of this interference should be distinctly stated. Mr. Badger gives the following account of his proceedings, in his report to the Committee of the Gospel Propagation Society, dated March 30, 1843. After stating the pains he took to explain the character, teaching, and discipline of his own Church, and how well his proposals to establish schools were received by Mar Shimon, he says, "The proceedings of the American Dissenters here necessarily formed a leading topic of our discourse. Through the influence of Nûrûllah Bey, they have been permitted to settle in the mountains, and two large establishments, one at Asheta and the other at Leezan, a village one day distant, are at present in course of being built. They have also a school in actual existence at Asheta, the expenses of which are defrayed by the Board, and, if I am rightly informed, another at Leezan. …. I did not fail to acquaint the Patriarch how far we are removed, in doctrine and discipline, from the American Independent missionaries. I showed him, moreover, that it would be injudicious, and would by no means satisfy us, to have schools among his people by the side of theirs, and pressed upon him to decide what plan he would pursue under existing circumstances. I think the Patriarch expressed his real sentiments on the peculiar doctrines of the Independents, when he said, 'I hold them as cheap as an onion;' but there are other considerations, which have more influence in inclining him to keep on friendly terms with the missionaries. In the first place, Dr. Grant has gained the apparent good will of Nûrûllah Bey, and the Patriarch may fear that, if he manifests any alteration in his conduct towards the American missionaries, the Emir might revenge it. Secondly, although I am fully convinced, that there is hardly a Nestorian in the mountains, who sympathizes with the doctrine or discipline of the Dissenters, whenever these differ from their own, yet I am persuaded, that, from the Patriarch to the poorest peasant, all value the important services of a good physician; and besides this, they highly prize the money which the missionaries have already expended, and are still expending among them with no niggardly hand, in presents, buildings, schools, etc."1

1 Nestorians and their Rituals, vol. i. pp. 248, 249.

The reader need not be told, that Congregationalists and Presbyterians are neither Dissenters nor Independents; and these two large bodies of Christians founded the mission.

The object of Mr. Badger was to alienate the Patriarch from the American mission; and he appears to have succeeded. Mar Shimon, in a letter addressed to the Archbishop and Bishops of the English Church, in August, 1843, speaks thus of the missionaries, with whom he was on confidential and somewhat intimate terms before the visit of Mr. Badger.

"Such was our condition, remaining in our own country in perfect peace and security, when, about three years since, persons came to us from the new world called America, and represented themselves as true Catholic Christians; but when we became acquainted with their way, we found that they held several errors, since they deny the order of the Priesthood committed to us by our Lord, nor do they receive the oecumenical councils of the Church, nor the true traditions of the holy Fathers, nor the efficacy of the sacraments of salvation, which Christ hath bequeathed to his Church, namely, Baptism, and the holy Eucharist; on which account we must beware of their working among us. But when your messenger, the pious presbyter George, came to us, and delivered into our hands your letters, we were filled with joy when we read their contents, and learned therefrom your spiritual and temporal prosperity. And we have now given up all others, that we may be united with you, in brotherhood and true Christian love."1

1 Nestorians and their Rituals, vol. i. p. 273.

Five months before the date of this letter, and after the return of Mr. Badger to Mosul, Dr. Grant received a letter from Mar Shimon, filled with Oriental protestations of undiminished attachment, and with urgent invitations to revisit the mountains. He went, accompanied by Mr. Laurie. They were kindly received as before, and spent several weeks with him, but found the Nestorians in constant dread of attacks from the Koords.

Meanwhile the reports, which had been put in circulation with regard to Dr. Grant's operations at Asheta, in the way of building, were communicated by the Pasha of Mosul to the Pasha of Erzroom, and by him to Constantinople. It is not probable that the reports were believed anywhere; but as the government was then intent upon subjugating that portion of the empire, they were unwilling to have the mountaineers enlightened and elevated. Accordingly they refused firmans to Dr. Azariah Smith and Rev. Edwin E. Bliss, in case they were going as missionaries to the Nestorians, for these would pledge to them the protection of the government; though they would grant them passports to go where they pleased. The Turkish minister even declared to Mr. Brown, our Charge d'affaires at the Porte, that they did not wish schools to be opened in the mountains.

In June, Dr. Grant, by special invitation, visited Bader Khan Bey, the most powerful chief in Koordistan. The journey occupied him five days, by way of Zakhu and Jezireh. The castle of the chief lay sixteen or eighteen miles northeast of Jezireh, in a pass among the mountains. He found there his old friend, of Koordish sincerity, Nûrûllah Bey, who had come to engage the Buhtan chief in the subjugation of the Nestorians. The fearless missionary spent ten days with these "deceitful and bloody" men. They made no concealment of their designs upon the Nestorians, but promised safety and protection to the mission-house and property at Asheta.

The successful attack soon after made on the hitherto independent Nestorians, appears to have had its origin in the Turkish government. Only unity of action could now save the Nestorians, and that unity was wanting. The Buhtan Koords came upon them from the northwest, and the Hakary tribes from the northeast and east. On the south was a Turkish army from the Pasha of Mosul, while the Ravandooz Koords are said to have been ready for an onset from the southeast. Diss, the district in which the Patriarch resided, and Tiary were soon laid waste by the combined force of the Buhtan and Hakary Koords. Many were slain, and among them the Patriarch's mother, a brother, and a fine youth who was regarded as the probable successor to the Patriarch. The valuable patriarchal library of manuscripts was destroyed. When the work of destruction began, Dr. Grant was in the southeast part of Tiary. From thence, without returning to Asheta, where the Patriarch then was, he hastened, by way of Lezan and Amadia, to Mosul, where great fears had been entertained for his safety. He reached Mosul on the morning of July 14, 1843, much fatigued with his journey, but in tolerably good health.

In the first invasion, Asheta and three other large villages in Tiary were spared the general destruction. Previous to November, however, the Nestorians of these villages rose upon the Koordish governor, and wounded him; and this occasioned the destruction of these villages, and the massacre of their inhabitants. Nothing was spared except the house Dr. Grant had erected, and that was converted into a fortress. Of the seventy-four priests in Tiary, twenty-four were killed, whose names were known. The districts east of Diss and Tiary were not destroyed. The tribes of Tehoma, Bass, and Jelu suffered comparatively little in either of the invasions, except in the loss of their property and their independence. After the disasters of Tiary and Diss, each of the remaining tribes sent in its submission. The Patriarch fled to Mosul. Several of his brothers fled to Oroomiah, and there threw themselves on the hospitality of the mission, which in their destitute circumstances could not be refused. Many were sold into slavery. Of the fifty thousand mountain Nestorians, the estimated number before the war, one fifth part were numbered with the slain.

Mrs. Laurie was called on the 16th of December, to rest from her labors. "In her last hours," writes Dr. Grant, "she was mercifully delivered alike from bodily pain and from mental anxieties. A noble testimony of Christian devotedness had been given in her consecration to one of the most difficult and trying fields in modern missions; and death to her was but the Saviour's welcome to mansions of undisturbed repose."

It has been stated that the Turkish government had refused a firman to Dr. Azariah Smith, in case he were a missionary to the Nestorians of Koordistan. He accordingly remained in the Armenian mission, where he found useful occupation till the arrival of the Foreign Secretary; when it was arranged that he should proceed to Mosul by way of Beirut and Aleppo, and either remain permanently connected with the mission, or return to the Armenians as a missionary physician. A firman was now given him, and he reached Mosul in safety on the 29th of March. Little did any one think that his first duty would be to smooth Dr. Grant's descent to the grave, yet an all-wise Providence had so ordained. A typhoid fever, which had carried off many of the refugee Nestorians in Mosul, seized their beloved physician on the 5th of April. He was delirious from the moment it assumed a threatening character, and died on the 24th of April, 1844.

While the author was at Constantinople, he received a letter from Dr. Grant, stating how much his presence was needed, for a time, by his children at home. The case being urgent, he was encouraged to return and was preparing for this, when his gracious Lord called him into his presence above. The tidings of his dangerous sickness awakened much interest in Mosul. People of every rank, men of all sects and religions, watched the progress of his disease with the most earnest anxiety. The French Consul visited him almost daily. The Turkish authorities sent to inquire for him, and some came in person. One, who arrived immediately after his decease, could not refrain from tears when he heard of it. A leading Jacobite remarked, that all Mosul was weeping. The poor Patriarch, roused to a sense of his loss, exclaimed, "My country and my people are gone! Nothing remains to me but God!"

Those who have attentively read the preceding history will need nothing more to set forth the character of this eminent servant of Christ. His courage, his calmness and yet firmness of purpose, his skill in the healing art, his devotion to the cause of his Saviour, his tact in winning the confidence even of those who never before trusted their own friends, his fearlessness in the presence of unscrupulous and cruel men and his ascendency over them, his lively faith under appalling discouragements, and his unyielding perseverance, form an array of excellence rarely combined in one man. Like the holy Apostle, he was "in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren, in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness." Yet was he not cast down by these things. He regarded them as incidental to his calling of God in Christ Jesus; and in the pursuit of this heavenly calling, he was more happy in the savage wilds of Koordistan, than he would have been in the most favored portions of his native land.

Mr. Laurie and Dr. Smith, the surviving brethren at Mosul, entered the mountains in the summer of 1844, explored the district of Tiary, and visited Nûrûllah Bey at Birchullah above Julamerk. Wherever they went among the Nestorians, they found a painful scene of desolation. On their return to Mosul, they forwarded their journal and a summary view of the facts, and asked the Committee to decide whether to continue the effort to approach the Nestorians from the west, and the Committee now forwarded definite instructions to discontinue this branch of the mission.1 They proceeded to Beirût in Syria, accompanied by Mrs. Hinsdale, who had been bereaved of her only child. Mr. Laurie became a member of the Syrian mission, and Dr. Smith of the Armenian; and Mrs. Hinsdale was for some time employed in the instruction of missionary children at Constantinople.

1 Missionary Herald, 1845, pp. 116-125.

CHAPTER XIV.

SYRIA.

1830-1838.

Syria was not in a condition for a return of the missionaries until after two years. Messrs. Bird and Whiting left Malta for Beirût on the 1st of May, 1830. Mr. Abbott, the English Consul, had already returned, and gave them a cordial welcome. The members of the Greek Church greeted them in a friendly manner, and were ready to read the Scriptures with them; but the Maronite priests, faithful to the Church of Rome, forbad their people all intercourse with the "Bible men," whom they described as "followers of the devil." Among those who received them gladly were a few young men, over whom the missionaries had rejoiced in former years, and who had remained steadfast in the faith, and had honored the Gospel by their lives.

Gregory Wortabet, one of the two Armenian ecclesiastics who early became connected with the mission, is already somewhat known to the reader. He belonged to the monastic priesthood in the Armenian Church, and there is an interesting autobiography of him in the "Missionary Herald" for 1828. His career up to that time, as described by himself, shows him to have been an uncommon character; and his personal sufferings, both for good and evil doing, prepared him to receive benefit from his converse with the missionaries at Beirût, which began in 1826, when he was twenty-six years of age. He was then ignorant of the Gospel, with his mind in great darkness and confusion. His first ray of light was from the good example of his missionary friends. Comparing their lives with their preaching, he admired the consistency of the two. He then compared both with the Scriptures, reading through the entire New Testament. At length day dawned upon his darkness. He became fully satisfied, that the Scriptures were from God, and committed himself to their divine teaching. Renouncing his self-righteousness, and all dependence on the absolutions of the Church, he trusted for salvation only in the blood of the Lord Jesus. Having adopted the opinion, that his monastic vows were unscriptural and therefore void, he married a discreet woman, who not long after gave good evidence of piety.

Wortabet accompanied the missionaries to Malta, as did also Dionysius, the other ecclesiastic. This change in their circumstances was at their own earnest request, but it was a great change. The author saw them at Malta, and did not wonder at some dissatisfaction on the part of the younger of the two, which helped to bring a cloud, for a time, over his Christian character. But his morals were irreproachable in the view of the world, and on his return to Syria in 1830, which was mainly in consequence of the failure of his eyes, the sun shone forth again, and continued to do so till his death. He went back to Beirût with the intention of supporting himself by manual labor, but the return of ophthalmia interrupted his plans, and reduced him to poverty. Mr. Bird visited him in May, 1831, at his residence near Sidon, and found him and his wife destitute indeed of the good things of this life, but contented and cheerful, and Wortabet warning all around him, night and day. Much of his conversation was spiritual, and he was listened to with deference. He was respected by the principal inhabitants of the place, and his wife was regarded as a model of humility and piety. Two or three were thought to have received saving impressions from his conversation. He obtained his support, such as it was, by means of a small shop, and was rigidly conscientious in his dealings. Respectable men of all classes came frequently to converse with him on religious subjects, and so gave him an opportunity to circulate the Bible, and to recommend its religion to Druses, Armenians, Papists, and Jews. Even Moslems sometimes listened with attention.

Having been drawn into a written controversy by a zealous Maronite, Wortabet called in the aid of Taunûs el Haddad, not being himself at home in the Arabic, and with important aid from the written discussions of Messrs. King, Bird, Goodell, and the lamented Asaad, he came out with a full exposition of the points at issue between Protestants and the Church of Rome, which attracted much attention. An answer was repeatedly promised, but none ever appeared, and it was thought the Maronite was himself half convinced of his error. Wortabet's weight of character, and his perfect knowledge of the people, made his influence at Sidon exceedingly valuable, and it was increasing and extending. But on the 10th of September, 1832, a short illness, supposed to be the cholera, terminated his earthly labors. From the first attack, he regarded the disease as fatal, and met death with a calm reliance on the Saviour.

The operations of the mission in 1832, were disturbed by plague, cholera, and war. The ravages of the plague were not great, but cholera occasioned intense alarm. It swept over Armenia and along the western borders of Persia, cut off one third of the pilgrims from Beirût to Mecca, was exceedingly fatal at Cairo and Alexandria, and made approaches to the seat of the mission as near as Aleppo, Damascus, Tiberias, and Acre; but from this terrible judgment the inhabitants of Beirût were providentially shielded. They suffered much, however, from the rapacity of the Pasha of Acre, until his power was broken by the invading army of the Viceroy of Egypt, under Ibrahim Pasha. With the aid of ten or fifteen thousand men from Mount Lebanon, under the Emir Beshir, Ibrahim Pasha took Acre; then pushing his conquests to Damascus, established the dominion of Egypt over Palestine and all Syria.

The papal bishop of Beirût having published an answer to Mr. King's "Farewell Letter," Mr. Bird made a reply in thirteen letters, containing many extracts from the Fathers and Roman Catholic doctors against the bishop's opinions and expositions of Scripture. Preparatory to this, the mission library was furnished with the more important works of the ancient Fathers; and what was wanting to complete the polemic department of the library, was munificently supplied by Mr. Parnell, of the Bagdad mission; who also presented the mission with a lithographic press for printing in the Arabic and Syriac languages. About this time, Mr. Temple was instructed to send the Arabic portion of the Malta establishment to Beirût, where Mr. Smith, who returned from the United States in 1834, was to have the charge of it.

Mr. Smith had been instructed by the Prudential Committee, to explore the country eastward of the Jordan, and also that bordering on the eastern range of Lebanon. Accordingly, soon after his arrival, he and Dr. Dodge visited Damascus, and then went into the Hauran, which was never before explored by Protestant missionaries, and until the publication of Burckhard's travels, twelve years before, was almost unknown in modern times. The Bozrah of the Scriptures was the limit of their travels southeastward, and marks the limit of habitation towards the great desert. Thence they traversed the region of Bashan to the southwest, as far as the river Jabbok, now called Zerka, beyond which the country is surrendered to the wild Bedawîn. Turning to the north, they crossed the Jordan not far from the lake of Tiberias, ascended the western shore, visited the numerous Greek Christians on the west of Mount Hermon, and returned to Damascus. The health of the mission now called Dr. Dodge back to Beirût, and Mr. Smith completed the survey of Anti-Libanus alone; visited a village of Jacobite Syrians in the desert towards Palmyra; passed through Homs, and as far north as Hamah, or "Hamath the great;" then, bending his course homeward, he crossed Lebanon in the region of the Ansaireea, through Tripoli to Beirût. Of this whole deeply interesting tour Mr. Smith, as was his custom, kept an accurate journal, which he intended to elaborate for publication as soon as he should have opportunity. The learned world heard with deep regret, in the year 1836, of the loss of this valuable manuscript in the shipwreck of Mr. and Mrs. Smith on their voyage to Smyrna. The Arabic press arrived in 1834, and passed without objection through the customhouse. Indeed, there were at that time no less than six presses in Syria and the Holy Land, belonging to Jews and Papists, and no one of them was subjected to hindrance, censorship, or taxation.

It could not truly be said, that any material change had taken place in the character and condition of the people at large, as a consequence of Protestant missions. But this at least was true, that the impression given by the Jesuits, that Protestants had no religion, no priesthood, and no churches, had been extensively removed. The missionaries unite in their testimony, that the circulation of the Scriptures is not alone sufficient to regenerate a people. A very considerable number of copies had been put in circulation from Aleppo to Hebron and Gaza, and many of them had been in the hands of the people for more than ten years. It is not known indeed how much they had been used; but where there had been no personal intercourse with missionaries, not a single radical conversion of the soul unto God had come to the knowledge of the missionaries.

Commodore Patterson visited Beirût during the summer with the U. S. ship Delaware and schooner Shark; principally, as he said, to do honor to the mission, and to convince the people that it had powerful friends.

Ten interesting young men placed themselves under the tuition of Dr. Dodge to learn English, and Mr. Smith gave them lessons in geography and astronomy, of which they knew almost as little as of English. A school taught by Taunûs el Haddad was converted into a girls' school. A female school was also opened by the ladies of the mission, assisted by the widow of Wortabet, for which a house was erected by the subscriptions of foreign residents. The school contained twenty-nine pupils, of whom three were Moslem children, and one a Druse, and no opposition was made to it. Religious instruction was given, of course, and the scholars made good progress in reading, sewing, knitting, and behavior. The whole number in the schools exceeded a hundred. Mr. Abbott, the early and valued friend of the mission, died during this year.

In 1835, Mr. Bird was compelled, by the declining health of his wife, to visit Smyrna. After remaining there nearly a year, and not receiving the benefit they expected, they came to the United States, and were never able to return to Syria. Their removal was for a time an irreparable loss to the mission, and was a severe disappointment to themselves. In subsequent years, they gladly gave two of their children to the missionary work in Western Asia. Miss Rebecca W. Williams arrived this year as a teacher; and in the next year the Rev. Messrs. Story Hebard and John F. Lanneau, and Miss Betsey Tilden. In 1835, Mr. William M. Thomson was married to Mrs. Abbott, the widow of the late English Consul, who, from an early period in the mission, had given decisive evidence of attachment to the kingdom of Christ.

The high school, commenced in 1835, took a more substantial form in the following year. It was wisely decided, that the pupils should lodge, eat, and dress in the style of the country; and the annual expenses of each scholar for boarding, clothing, etc., was only from thirty-five to forty dollars. The course of study embraced the Arabic language for the whole period, the English language, geography and astronomy, civil and ecclesiastical history, with chronology, mathematics, rhetoric,—in the Arab sense, a popular study,—natural and moral philosophy, composition and translation, natural theology, and sacred music. The Bible was studied constantly. In all these departments there was a great deficiency of books; in some it was entire.

Mr. Hebard and Miss Williams were united in marriage in October, 1836. Mr. Hebard had then the care of the seminary, and the girls' school was taught by Mrs. Hebard and Mrs. Dodge. The latter was subsequently married to the Rev. J. D. Paxton, a clergyman from the United States, then on a visit to Syria.

The mission, as early as 1836, became sensible of a serious deficiency in their Arabic type. As it did not conform to the most approved standard of Arabic caligraphy, it did not meet the popular taste. Mr. Smith therefore took pains to collect models of the characters in the best manuscripts. These were lost in his shipwreck, but he afterwards replaced them at Constantinople, to the number of two hundred; so varied, that the punches formed for them would make not far from a thousand matrices. These he placed in the hands of Mr. Hallock, the missionary printer at Smyrna, who possessed great mechanical ingenuity, and was entirely successful in cutting the punches. The type was cast at Leipzig by Tauchnitz. Thus a really great and important work, without which the press could not have been domesticated among the many millions to whom the Arabic is vernacular, was brought to a successful issue.

The disastrous shipwreck of Mr. and Mrs. Smith on their way from Beirût to Smyrna, has been already mentioned. The voyage was undertaken chiefly for the benefit of Mrs. Smith's health; but the exposures consequent on the shipwreck, extending through twenty-eight days until their arrival at Smyrna, aggravated her consumptive tendencies, and hastened her passage to the grave. She died on the thirtieth of September, 1836, at the age of thirty-four. The closing scene is described by her husband. "Involuntary groans were occasionally muttered in her convulsions. These, as we were listening to them with painful sympathy, once, to our surprise, melted away into musical notes; and for a moment, our ears were charmed with the full, clear tones of the sweetest melody. No words were articulated, and she was evidentally unconscious of everything about her. It seemed as if her soul was already joining in the songs of heaven, while it was yet so connected with the body as to command its unconscious sympathy. Not long after, she again opened her eyes in a state of consciousness. A smile of perfect happiness lighted up her emaciated features. She looked deliberately around upon different objects in the room, and then fixed upon me a look of the tenderest affection. …. Her frequent prayers that the Saviour would meet her in the dark valley, have already been mentioned. By her smile, she undoubtedly intended to assure us that she had found him. Words she could not utter to express what she felt. Life continued to struggle with its last enemy until twenty minutes before eight o'clock; when her affectionate heart gradually ceased to beat, and her soul took its final departure to be forever with the Lord."1

1 A Memoir of Mrs. Sarah Lanman Smith was given to the public by her brother, Edward W. Hooker, D. D., in 1837, pp. 407.

In the winter and spring of 1838, an opportunity was afforded Mr. Smith to perform a very useful service as the associate of Dr. Edward Robinson, in his celebrated "Biblical Researches in Palestine and the Adjacent Regions."1 The aid was essential to the full success of the enterprise, from Mr. Smith's acquaintance with the Arabs and their language, and it was cheerfully rendered by the missionary, and assented to by the mission and by the officers of the Board at home. Mr. Smith had been hopeful of being able to visit the Hauran, and to recover the more important facts lost in the shipwreck, but the troubled state of the country prevented. Joining Dr. Robinson in Egypt, he travelled with him from Cairo to Suez; thence to Sinai and Jerusalem, by way of Akabah; then to Bethel, the Dead Sea, and the valley of the Jordan. At Jerusalem, they attended the annual meeting of the Syria mission.

1 Mr. Smith rendered a similar service, during a part of Dr. Robinson's second tour in 1852, in a portion of the same regions.

The Rev. Messrs. Elias R. Beadle and Charles S. Sherman, and their wives, joined the mission this year.

CHAPTER XV.

SYRIA.

THE DRUZES, AND THE WARS OF LEBANON.

1835-1842.

We now enter upon a period of some special difficulty in the prosecution of the missionary work. Turkey, Egypt, and several great European powers, conflicting for secular objects, brought the Druzes into very singular and as it proved unfortunate, relations to the mission.

The Druzes are found chiefly on the mountains of Lebanon, and in the country called the Hauran, south of Damascus, and number sixty or seventy thousand souls. The sect originated with Hakem, a Caliph of Egypt, but derived its name from El Drusi, a zealous disciple of the Caliph. They believe Hakem to be the tenth, last, and most important incarnation of God, and render him divine honors. They have ever taken great pains to conceal their tenets, which seem to be compounded from Mohammedanism and Paganism, and it is only a portion of themselves that know what the tenets are. Those are called the Akkâl, or initiated; the others are the Jebal, or uninitiated. Four centuries and a half after the death of the founder of the sect, it became powerful under a single chief. Inhabiting the rugged mountains of Lebanon, they maintained for many ages a free and independent spirit in the midst of despotism, and were a semi-independent people within the Turkish dominions down to the summer of 1835, when they were subdued by Ibrahim Pasha.

As early as 1831, a hope was awakened in the mission, that the Gospel might be successfully introduced among that people. A Druze woman was in the habit of coming daily to listen to the reading of the Scriptures and to religious conversation, and would often say, "That's the truth," with her face bathed in tears. Her visits were continued until she fell a victim to the plague. An old man, also, who was one of the "initiated," came, and, after much disputation, professed to receive the Gospel. In proof of his sincerity, he brought one of the secret books of his religion, and gave it to the missionaries. Mr. Smith, moreover, when on the mountains, was invited to attend one of their stated meetings, and, at its close, was requested to read and expound a portion of the word of God.

The prospects became more favorable in 1835. Mr. Bird and others spent the hot months of summer at Aaleih, a Druze village on Lebanon. Mrs. Dodge gathered a school of girls there, and Mr. Bird had ten or fifteen Druzes present at his Arabic preaching every Sabbath, and among them the young sheiks of the village, with their servants. Many of the people listened with attention, and received and read the New Testament and other religious books, with apparent eagerness. They readily acknowledged that neither repentance, alms-giving, prayers, nor any works of their own, were sufficient to insure the pardon of sin; and when pointed to the great atonement of the Lord Jesus, it seemed to commend itself to their understanding and conscience. Though nominally the disciples of the Koran, they did not cry out "blasphemy," as did the Moslems, when told that Jesus is the Son of God, thus partaking of the divine nature; but they seemed to feel that this character was necessary for one who should undertake to be a Saviour for a world of sinners.

Mr. Bird coming down from the mountains to accompany his sick wife to Smyrna, Mr. Smith took his place, and visited eight or nine villages, with every opportunity afforded him for preaching the Gospel; and he was everywhere listened to with respectful attention. Though aware of the deceitfulness of the people, he could not but see how open they then were to this species of missionary labor. Yet he could not find among them any real spirit of inquiry, and his only hope was in the influences of the Holy Spirit, giving efficacy to the truth. The Druzes, though wrapped up in hypocrisy, and apparently without one spiritual thought, were of the same race with all other men, and the preaching of the word might be expected, in the end, to have the same effect upon them.

There was reason to believe, that this movement among the Druzes grew mainly out of their recent subjugation by the Egyptians, and their apprehension of a military conscription. They had always professed Mohammedanism hypocritically, to escape the oppressions which Christians suffered under Moslem rule; but now the Christians fared better than the Moslems, in that they were not liable to be drafted into the army, to which as Moslems the Druzes were exposed. They had very painful apprehensions of such a levy, and the reason having ceased that had led them to profess Mohammedanism, they were disposed to renounce that religion; and some among the uninitiated seemed ready to renounce the Druze religion also. Their great object was to enjoy equal rights with the Christians, and especially to escape the military conscription.

A levy had been demanded of the Druzes before this visit of the brethren to the mountains, and had been refused, with an urgent request to Mohammed Ali that he would not impose upon them so odious a burden. Nothing was heard in reply until the fourth day after Mr. Smith's return to Beirût, when Ibrahim Pasha presented himself at Deir el-Kamr, at the head of eighteen thousand men. Taken by surprise, no opposition was made. Both Druzes and Christians were at once disarmed, and officers were left to collect recruits.

With the dreaded evil thus strongly upon them, there was a more general disposition to throw off the Druze religion. Applications came from individuals and from families in different and distant villages. Among them were some of the higher ranks. One whole family connection of eighty individuals declared their readiness to pledge their property as security that they would never apostatize from the Christian faith; and had it been in the power of the mission to secure to them the political standing of Christian sects, and had the brethren been disposed to favor a national conversion, after the example of the early and middle ages, it is probable that the whole body of the Jebal Druzes, at least, would have become nominal Protestants. Of course the missionaries explained to them how inconsistent with the spirituality of our religion would be such a mere profession of Christianity. For a few Sabbaths, the Arab congregation was composed chiefly of Druzes; and Mr. Smith threw open his doors to them at the time of family prayers, and had the opportunity of reading and explaining the Gospel to from ten to fifteen for two months; but without finding evidence, with perhaps a single exception, of a sincere desire to know the truth.

That exception was in the case of a Druze named Kasim. Mr. Smith saw him first in October, 1835. Residing in the mountains, Kasim had two of his sons already baptized by the Maronites, and had openly professed himself to be no longer a Druze, but a Christian. He had not himself received baptism, for fear of his relatives, who had once gone in a body and beaten him. He now removed into the immediate neighborhood of the missionary, where he hoped for protection, and he and his family became regular attendants upon Christian worship. He professed a strong attachment to the Saviour, as did also his wife, and they both made evident progress in religious knowledge. Both openly declared themselves Protestants, and were anxious for baptism. The officer of the Emir Beshir, finding in his hands a testimonial from Mr. Smith, that he was a Christian, respected him in this character, while he was seizing all his Druze neighbors for soldiers; but he had not then been admitted to the church, for want of sufficient evidence of true conversion.

Kasim was at length apprehended by the governor of Beirût, beaten to make him confess that he was a Moslem, and cast into prison. Mr. Smith visited him, and urged him to make the profession he intended to abide by, that the mission might know what to do. In the presence of a dozen Moslems, he professed himself a Christian, and declared that he would die a Christian, if they burned him at the stake. The governor, on hearing this, ordered him to be thrust into the inner prison, and loaded with chains. Here his persecutors renewed their promises and threats, but his firmness remained unshaken, and they left him in prison. Such a confession had never been made in Beirût before, and it attracted much attention. The poor man in his dungeon, aware of the danger of his situation, spent much of his time in prayer, and was often heard by his fellow-prisoners, in the watches of the night, calling upon Jesus Christ to help him. He even sent directions to a friend respecting the disposal of a few effects, in case he should be martyred, thereby showing his expectation of persevering unto death.

As the best thing that could be done, the American Consul at Beirût, who took a deep interest in the case, addressed a letter to Soleiman Pasha, next in power to Ibrahim, who was then at Sidon on his way to Beirût. This was favorably received, and the Pasha expressed his wish that the family would send a petition to him, that he might be ready to judge the case when he should arrive at Beirût. This was accordingly done, and the requisite evidence was made ready. The poor man received his food daily from his missionary friend, with messages of cheer, and he never wavered.

On the arrival of the Pasha, the prisoner's wife immediately sought access to him, and this she did day after day; but the governor of Beirût threw every obstacle in her way. The Pasha wished to set him free, without seeming to yield to Frank dictation, or stirring up Moslem fanaticism. At length the governor, threatened by the agent of the European consuls with deposition, presented himself in person at the door of the prison, and told Kasim to go free.

Thus terminated, after an imprisonment of seventeen days, the first case of a converted Druze called to confess Jesus Christ before a Moslem tribunal. This was in the early part of the year 1836.

Kasim was kept by the mission two years on probation, but on the first Sabbath in 1838 he and his wife were admitted to the church, and were baptized, with their six children, receiving Christian names at their own request. Mr. Thomson took occasion to preach on the subject of baptism, explaining the true meaning and intention of the ordinance. The congregation was larger than usual, and there was more solemn attention than had ever been witnessed in the chapel. Much anxiety was felt for Kasim, but he was not molested. His brother and his brother's wife also made a very importunate request for baptism, and the mission not long after complied with it.

As these converts were not molested after their baptism, the Druzes resorted more and more to the mission for instruction. Mr. Thomson was invited to visit their villages, and open among them schools and places of worship. They applied for the admission of their sons to the seminary, and a young sheik was received, his friends paying the expense. Some of them corresponded with Mr. Thomson by letter, and some came to reside at Beirût. The Papists assailed them with promises, flatteries, and threats of vengeance from the Emir Beshir; but the Druzes declared they would never join the Church of Rome. While the mission was aware that in all this the Druzes were greatly influenced by political changes, past and expected, they could not avoid the hope that an increasing number were really desirous of knowing and obeying the truth. Indeed it was impossible to avoid this conclusion with the facts before them, some of which Mr. Thomson embodied thus in his journal:—

"August 13, 1838. This morning Kasim brought a leading Druze to see me. He is from Shweifat, and desires to become an English Christian. His conversation was very satisfactory, so far as sensible and even pious remarks are concerned. He makes the most solemn appeals to the Searcher of Hearts to bear witness to his sincerity; asks neither for protection, employment, or money; but says, that his only object is to secure the salvation of his soul. He asks for nothing but Christian instruction, which I of course was most happy to afford to the extent of my abilities. Alas! that long experience with people here, and especially with the Druzes, compels me to receive with hesitation their most solemn protestations.

"Sept. 5. M., the ruling sheik of A., came down from the mountains to request Christian instruction and baptism for himself and family. He is very earnest and rational, for a Druze, and thinks that nearly all his villages will unite with him. In a conversation, protracted to more than half a day, I endeavored to place before him, with all possible plainness, our views of what true religion is. He is not so ignorant on this subject as most Druzes, having been acquainted with us for many years, and frequently present at our Arabic worship.

"Sept. 6. Sheik S., from the heart of Lebanon, came to-day with the same request for Christian instruction, not only for himself, but for his father and four brothers, leading sheiks of the mountains. He asks not for protection, money, or temporal advantage in any way, but solely for religious instruction; and declares, with apparent sincerity, that his only desire is to secure the salvation of his soul. He says concerning their own superstition, that he knows it is utterly false and pernicious; and that, having for three years read the Bible, and compared the various sects with it, he is persuaded that they have forsaken the word of God, and imposed upon men many human inventions, designed not for the good of the people, but to augment the power and wealth of the priesthood. He mentioned with special abhorrence auricular confession, and forgiveness of sin by the priest; also, their long fasts, their prayers to saints, and their worship of images and pictures; showing that he was well acquainted with the leading differences between us and them; and proving, by his pertinent quotations from the Bible, that he had read it with attention and understanding.

"Sheik S. intends to remain several days for the purpose of receiving more instruction. He appears to have no fears of persecution, but to be resolved to persevere whatever may happen.

"Sept. 12. Went to B.'T., and spent the day in conversing with the large family of sheiks there. These sheiks govern, under the Emir, all this part of Lebanon. The greater part of them appear resolved to become Christians at all hazards. Alas! how little do they know of that religion, which they profess to be so anxious to embrace. The mother of the sheiks in A. is married to the most powerful sheik in B.'T., and she sent word to her children, encouraging them to become Christians, and approving also of their plan to place the youngest boys in our seminary.

"I had no time to converse with the common people in B.'T., but one of our Christian Druzes who accompanied me, spent the day with them, and tells me, that a great many of the villagers wished to join us. Here also the Papists are busy as bees, both with arguments and terrors. What the end will be, is known only to God."

Two days later, several sheiks camp down from the mountains, with an apparent determination to take houses, and receive religious instruction; declaring their wish not to return to the mountains until they had been both instructed and baptized. The same day, two Druzes came as agents from a large clan of their people residing in Anti-Lebanon, three days from Beirût, professing to treat in behalf of their whole community. In the evening, several leading Druzes came from Andara, the highest habitable part of Lebanon, professing to act in the name of their whole village, and earnestly requesting the mission to open schools, build a church, and baptize them all forthwith. The missionary preached to them till a late hour, and they promised to come again after a few days. They kept their promise, and stated that they had made arrangements with the people of several villages to unite together, and all declare themselves Christians at the same time; hoping that the Emir, when he saw so many of them of one mind, would not venture to execute the plans of cruel persecution, with which they were threatened. Mr. Thomson now found it necessary to call in the aid of Mr. Hebard and Mr. Lanneau.

The Emir Beshir, urged on by the Papal priests, now sent for the young Druze sheiks, and threatened them with the full measure of his wrath. This occasioned a division among them, some through fear siding with the Emir. The father of several young sheiks,—a venerable old man, with rank and talents to give him extensive influence,—being at Beirût, declared in oriental style his attachment to the Gospel, and his intended adherence to it.

The excitement among the Druzes continued, and visitors from all parts of Lebanon thronged the house of the missionary, till winter rendered communication with the mountains difficult.

Near the close of November, a number of Druzes, who had become Greek Papists, were seized by order of the Pasha, and cast into prison, whence five of them were drafted into the army. The rest were allowed to return to their homes. It was understood that the Pasha would not disturb the Protestant converts; but he had shown that he was not disposed to tolerate the conversion of the Druzes to Christianity. Kasim and his associates appeared resolved to go not only to prison, but to death, rather than deny Christ.

At the close of the year, the severity of the Emir, in connection with the snows of winter, greatly diminished the attendance of Druzes at the meetings. The knowledge, also, that they could not be baptized till they had given evidence of being truly converted, helped to repress the movement. Still, some of the more hopeful persons continued to show their interest in the Gospel.

Syria was now within the jurisdiction of Egypt, and hence the mission was not affected by the persecutions, for which the year 1839 was so distinguished in Turkey. But the missionary force was much reduced, Messrs. Bird, Smith, and Whiting being in the United States. The Rev. Elias R. Beadle and Charles S. Sherman arrived as missionaries, with their wives, in the autumn of that year; and Messrs. Samuel Wolcott, Nathaniel A. Keyes, and Leander Thompson, with their wives, and Dr. C. V. A. Van Dyck, in April 1840. They had the language to learn, and the press lay idle during the year, for want of a printer and funds. Mrs. Hebard died in February.

Yet there was progress. A large and convenient chapel had been obtained, where were held two stated Arabic services on the Sabbath; and on the evening of the Sabbath, the natives had a prayer meeting by themselves. In the free schools there were eighty scholars; the seminary for boys had twenty boarders; and the distribution of books and tracts continued. In this work a blind old man of the Greek Church named Aboo Yusoof was an efficient helper. Though stooping with age, he went about the country with a donkey loaded with books, and a little boy to lead him, doing what he could. In a district northeast of Tripoli, he was encouraged in his work by the approbation of the Greek bishop Zacharias.

The political and religious events then occurring were intimately connected. The conquest of Syria by Mohammed Ali, was the apparent cause of the religious movement among the Druzes already described. The defeat of the Sultan's army at Nisib, in 1839, and the feelings of jealousy towards France and Egypt, then intimately allied, led to the determination of England, Russia, Prussia, and Austria to restore Syria and the Turkish fleet to the Porte. The consequent armed intervention made Beirût the seat of war. An English fleet bombarded the city, and the English officers, by a singular miscalculation, treated the Papal Maronites as their friends, and the Druzes as their enemies. Missionary operations were suspended. Mr. Lanneau, whose eyes had failed him, left on a visit to the United States. Messrs. Beadle, Keyes, and Leander Thompson spent the summer and autumn at Jerusalem, and Dr. Van Dyck joined them there. Messrs. W. M. Thomson and Wolcott remained at Beirût until the bombardment, when Captain Latimer, of the United States corvette Cyane, who had come to Beirût to look after their welfare, kindly took them and their families to Cyprus.

In the presence of such mighty forces, the mission could only wait the course of events. The brethren, before leaving Beirût, had done all they could for the protection of their houses, furniture, the Arabic press, and the library and philosophical apparatus. They did this by hoisting over their houses the American flag and placing guards in them, and by an understanding with the admiral. The pupils in the boarding-school were sent to their friends. Mr. Wolcott visited Beirût during the contest, and found the Egyptian forces evacuating the town, and the British troops taking possession. He met the American consul there surveying the ruins of his house, which had been battered by the great guns and plundered by the pasha's soldiers; but the magazine beneath it, which contained most of the property of Messrs. Beadle and Keyes, had not been opened. Making his way through the ruins of the city to the mission houses, he saw the American flags still floating over them, and the guards on the ground. Soldiers had encamped in his garden, but had abstained from pillage. A few bombs had burst in the yard, and several cannon balls had penetrated the walls. The furniture, the library, the philosophical apparatus were uninjured. The native chapel in Mr. Thomson's house had been filled with goods, brought thither for safety by the natives, and these had not been molested. The field around Mr. Smith's house had been plowed by cannon balls, and he expected to find the new Arabic types converted into bullets, but not a type had been touched. Even the orange and lemon trees, within his inclosure, were bending with their load of fruit. All this was remarkable; and the goodness of Providence was gratefully acknowledged at the time, by the missionaries and by their patrons at home.

The persecuting Emir Beshir surrendered, and was sent to Malta, and a relative of the same name, but with small capacity for governing, was appointed Prince of the Mountains. The mission families returned from Cyprus before the end of the year, and the seminary was resumed; but those students who had been taught enough of English to make themselves intelligible as interpreters, had all been drawn away by the high wages which British officers paid for such services. The place of Tannûs, Arabic teacher in the seminary, who was sick, was supplied by Butrus el-Bistany, from the Maronite College at Ain Warka. He had written a treatise against the corruptions of Popery and the supremacy of the Pope, and the enraged Patriarch had tried to get him into his power, but without success.

The brethren all reassembled at Beirût early in the year 1841, and Mr. Beadle, with a native assistant, commenced a station at Aleppo, but it was not long continued. The press resumed its operations with the new type, under the management of Mr. George Hurter, a printer just arrived from America. The declining health of Mr. Hebard compelled him to suspend missionary labors, and he died at Malta, June 30, on his way to the United States, greatly and deservedly lamented. About the same time, Mr. Smith arrived at Beirût, on his return to Syria, with his wife. Four months later, Mrs. Wolcott was called away, after a distressing illness of three days, but in sure and certain hope of a blessed immortality.

The allied powers had settled the affairs of the East in a manner not agreeable to France, and that government seems to have sought redress through the Jesuits. In the first month of 1841, three French Jesuits arrived at Beirût, with an ample supply of money; and, at the same time, the Maronite Patriarch received large sums from France and Austria, ostensibly for the relief of sufferers in the late war, but never expended for such a purpose. The Maronites had been the chief movers in favor of the Sultan and the English, and the English agent in negotiating with them was a Roman Catholic. On account of their services in that war, the Maronites stood high in favor with the English officers and with the Turkish government; and the Patriarch received important additions to his power, till he thought himself strong enough to expel the American missionaries and crush the Druzes. The local authorities having no power to drive the missionaries away, he petitioned the Sultan to do this. The Sultan laid the subject before Commodore Porter, then American Minister at the Porte, who said he was not authorized by his government to protect men thus employed. This fact coming in some way to the knowledge of the Patriarch, he made proclamation through the mountains, that the American missionaries were denounced by their own government as troublesome, mischief-making proselyters, and would not be protected.1

1 This mistaken opinion of the Minister was made the subject of correspondence with the United States Government, and the favorable response by Mr. Webster, Secretary of State, is quoted in chapter xviii.

Meanwhile, the English officers had obtained a more correct understanding of the relations of parties in Lebanon; and they saw at once that it was for the interest of England that the Druzes should be encouraged to become Protestants. They therefore held consultations with the Druze sheiks, and the results were communicated to the British government. As a natural consequence, the Druze sheiks expected support from England, and some at least of the British officers were in favor of such support, should the Druzes put themselves under the instruction of the American missionaries. It is certain, at any rate, that the Druze sheiks confidently expected this. With such expectations, they made a definite agreement with the mission, that a school for the sons of the ruling class should be established at Deir el-Kamr, and other schools as fast as practicable in their villages, and that the missionaries should be welcomed as religious teachers among all their people.

A school was at once opened at Deir el-Kamr by Messrs. Wolcott and Van Dyck, and Mr. Thomson removed to 'Ain Anab to superintend the schools for the common people, of which there were three opened in the vicinity. Mr. Smith, on arriving at Beirût, was so much interested that he did not stop to open his house, but went up at once to Deir el-Kamr.

In this same month, the Rev. Mr. Gobat, a German in the service of the Church Missionary Society, arrived from Malta. He had long been known as a missionary in Egypt and Abyssinia, and was a personal friend of the older members of the mission. His object was to see if he could make arrangements by which evangelical missionaries of the English Church could advantageously share in the labors for converting the Druzes.

In September, despatches arrived from Lord Palmerston, which were reported to contain an order for taking the Druzes under British protection; and with them came from England the Rev. Mr. Nicholayson,—originally a Baptist, and at this time an Episcopalian and zealous high-churchman—with instructions, it was said, to assist in carrying out that arrangement. He did not agree with Mr. Gobat in respect to the treatment due to the American missionaries; and when the Druzes inquired of him what support they might expect from England, the answers they received led them to the conclusion, that England would not protect them unless they renounced the American missionaries, and put themselves under the exclusive instruction of clergymen from the English Church. This they were not ready to do. Mr. Gobat retired, in a spirit of catholicity. Neither did Mr. Nicholayson prosecute his mission, being disheartened, it may be, by the civil war which shortly arose between the Maronites and Druzes. His intervention was unfortunate, and I find it referred to, thirty years afterwards, by a venerable member of the mission, as a warning against similar intrusions.

The Patriarch now deemed himself strong enough to enter upon his project of crushing the Druzes. His power in the mountains being in the ascendant, he ordered the Druze sheiks to assemble at Deir el-Kamr. They came armed, and, as they approached Deir el-Kamr, were required to send away their followers and lay aside their arms. They refused. A battle ensued, and the Maronites were defeated. The Patriarch then proclaimed a crusade against them, ordered his bishops to take arms, and marched his forces towards the Druze territory. But the Druzes seized the mountain passes, and defeated every attempt to enter. Though greatly inferior in numbers, they went desperately to work to exterminate or expel every Maronite from their part of the mountains. Not a convent, and scarce a village or hamlet belonging to the Maronites, was left standing. They then descended and dispersed the main army of the Maronites; and were ready to march northward into Kesrawan, and attack the Patriarch in his stronghold, but were persuaded by British officers to suspend their march. The Turkish army, which might have prevented the conflict, now took the field, and separated the combatants.1

1 Tracy's History, pp. 417, 440. Report for 1842, pp. 117-124. Missionary Herald, 1842, pp. 196, 229, 362.

This was very properly regarded as a providential deliverance for the mission, which had never been threatened with so formidable an opposition as at the beginning of the year. It now entered into a correspondence with nearly all the principal Druze sheiks, who felt that they had, by their swords, won the right to schools. The prospects were at that time very hopeful. The country never seemed more open to evangelical labors. For a year there had been no opposition to the schools, except two or three among the Druzes. The press was in operation without censorship, sending forth thousands of copies each year, and there was an increasing demand for books. The mission bookstore, in the centre of the town, was visited by all classes, including very many high officers of government, and even by the Seraskier himself, and there was no complaint against it. No one had been persecuted for a long time for professing the religion of the Bible, and Protestantism seemed to have gained a tacit toleration.

In reply to the objection, that the mission had been long established, and yet the conversions had been very few, Mr. Smith wrote thus: "I ask, what labor? Has it, after all, been so disproportioned to the results? The instrumentality highest on the scale of efficiency for the conversion of souls in every country, is oral instruction, especially formal preaching. Now how much of this has there been in Syria? Before Mr. Bird could engage in it, Mr. Fisk was called away by death. I had hardly been preaching in Arabic a year, when Mr. Bird left for America. Mr. Thomson had but just preached his first sermon when my family was broken up, and I became a wanderer. Since then, we have both been here together but a few months at a time, until the last year. And these are all the Arabic preachers we have had at our station. In the mean time we have all been away, once for nearly two years at Malta, and again for a while at Cyprus. And when here, so many other cares have we had, that a single sermon on the Sabbath has been, for most of the time, all the formal preaching that has been done. Add to this a weekly prayermeeting for six or seven months in the year."

Again he says: "The labor of years has been accomplished in gaining experience, forming favorable acquaintances, doing away with prejudice, disseminating evangelical truth, the successful commencement of printing operations, etc. All this labor is in the language of a vast nation of Mohammedans, the sacred language of the whole sect, the language of their prophet. And when their power falls, it will be so much done towards their conversion. Instead of being alarmed and discouraged by the revolutions that are occurring around me, I am interested in them as forerunners of that great event."

The political changes have generally been very sudden in Syria. In April, 1842, Omar Pasha imprisoned the leading Druze sheiks, and Albanian soldiers were arriving daily, as if to disarm the Druzes. And so it proved. The Turks decided to take the matter into their own hands. An army was marched into Lebanon, accompanied by Moslem sheiks and teachers, and the whole Druze nation was compelled to appear, outwardly at least, as Moslem.1 The motives of the government in this were chiefly political, but partly religious. They wished to be able to draw recruits from this brave people for the army, which could not be done should they become Protestant Christians; and also, to retain a strong party in Lebanon, to be used, as they afterwards were used, against the large nominally Christian majority of its inhabitants. They expected thus to control the mountains, and keep down the influence of foreign Christian powers.

1 These statements are made on the authority of a document received from the mission in the year 1869.

In this manner were the operations for educating and Christianizing the Druzes suddenly arrested. In working out their policy, the Turks necessarily resorted to measures intended to place the Druzes in bitter antagonism to all the native Christians. In the atrocious massacre of 1860, which, for the time, threw the Druzes far from all Christian sympathy, that unfortunate people were used as tools by the Turks to work out their own policy. Events such as these, are among the deep mysteries of Providence. Nor is this mystery yet solved; though, from facts that will appear in the sequel, we shall see enough to authorize the hope of a renewal at some time, of the former pleasing relations between the Druzes and Christian missionaries.

CHAPTER XVI.

SYRIA.

1842-1846.

The mission was strengthened, early in 1842, by the arrival of Dr. Henry A. DeForest and wife; and suffered a new bereavement in the death of the second Mrs. Smith, but little more than a year after her arrival. Some months later, Mr. and Mrs. Sherman retired from the field, in consequence of failing health. Messrs, Beadle, Wolcott, and Leander Thompson, and Miss Tilden, also returned home soon after. Mr. Lanneau rejoined the mission, with his wife, early in 1843.

The Foreign Secretary and Dr. Hawes, visited the mission in the early part of 1844, and assisted in a meeting of the missionaries, which continued several days. Facts and principles were freely discussed, and the results were embodied in written reports, drawn up by committees appointed for the purpose. There is space for only a concise statement of a few of these results.

It was recognized as a fact of fundamental importance, that the people within the bounds of the mission were Arabs, whether called Greeks, Greek Catholics, Druzes, or Maronites, and that the divers religious sects really constituted one race. There were believed to be advantages, in the fact, that these sects were intermingled in the several villages, since the population was less inclined to oppose, and more easily accessible, than where the villages were exclusively of one sect. The most hopeful parts of Lebanon were the southern districts, inhabited by a people social in their habits, owners of the soil, shrewd, inquisitive, industrious, and capable of devising and executing with tact and efficiency.

There was much discussion as to the best manner of cultivating the field, but all agreed that wherever small companies were ready to make a credible profession of piety, they were entitled to be recognized as churches, and had a right to such a native ministry as could be given them. The reformed churches might combine persons from several, and perhaps from all, the various sects; and the method of church organization should be such as to throw the greatest responsibility on the individual members.

The question was raised, whether the marked disposition in the mountain communities to place themselves collectively under the instruction of the mission, would justify a lowering of the qualifications for church-membership, especially with reference to the baptism of children. It was believed that no good would result from this; especially, as the people are so bent on regarding baptism as a renewing ordinance. To form churches in this way, would only be to multiply communities of merely nominal Christians.

The brethren admitted, that their labors had been too little adapted, hitherto, to awaken religious feeling among the people. The reasons assigned for this were, the absorbing demands of the press and of education; the habits of preaching and laboring formed under past unfavorable states of the field; and finally, a painful impression of the suffering that converts must endure, with no civil power to interpose between them and their persecutors.

To counteract the first of these causes, it was decided to suspend the printing for a year; and the seminary was revived, which had been suspended in 1842, to counteract the second. The remedy for the last two, was a more perfect reliance on the Holy Spirit and the divine energy of the Gospel. It was the general opinion, that education in all its parts should bear a fixed proportion to the frequency, spirituality, and power of the more formal preaching. Nor was it less clear, that the press should be kept strictly subservient to the pulpit.

The most remarkable call for preaching, at this time, was at Hasbeiya, a village of four or five thousand inhabitants, situated at the foot of Mount Hermon.1 Druzes and members of the Greek Church made up the population, with some Greek Catholics, Moslems, and Jews. The village lay about fifty miles southeast of Beirût, bordering on the country of the Bedawîn, with whom was its principal trade. As the result of this, the people had much personal independence, with a tendency to segregation; features which Mr. Smith noticed as specially predominant among other native Christians similarly situated, especially in the Hauran.

1 The New York Observer, from July 18th to August 29th, 1846, has an instructive series of articles on Hasbeiya, from the pen of Dr. Eli Smith.

Early in the year 1844, a considerable body of the Hasbeiyans seceded from the Greek Church, declared themselves Protestants, and made a formal application to the mission for religious instruction. About fifty men came at one time to Beirût for that purpose, and asked for ministers to teach them. Their dissatisfaction with their Church was not of recent date, but had been increasing for years. It had arisen from the selfishness and worldliness of their clergy, and their consequent neglect of the flock. These men had some acquaintance with the mission, Hasbeiya having been visited by more than one of the native book agents. It was evident, however, that concern for the salvation of the soul was not the cause of their coming. What they sought had reference solely to the present life. Appropriate instruction was given, and they were advised to go home, pay their taxes (which they had not done), and do what they could to live in peace with their townsmen, and then to write to the mission. A letter was received after a few days, stating that they had done as they were advised, and urging the visit of a missionary. In this request they were earnestly seconded by the two brethren from the United States, who arrived at Beirût, just before the letter came. The mission sent two of their native helpers; but these had not left Beirût before a second delegation arrived, more urgent than the first. The native helpers were followed in May by Messrs. Smith and Whiting, who soon saw that they had been too backward to credit the sincerity of these men. The hope of political advantage had been abandoned, but their decision and their numbers had steadily increased. The men were about one hundred and fifty, and among them were some of the most respectable inhabitants, and a large proportion of enterprising men. Their love of peace, as well as their decision, had secured for them general respect. Some had made considerable progress in Christian knowledge, and the neighbors acknowledged that the profane among them had left off swearing, and the drunkard had abandoned his cups. The Sabbath, moreover, was carefully observed; the old church fasts were given up; prayers to saints and to the virgin had ceased; pictures for adoration had disappeared from their houses; and it was remarkable that in these changes the women were more zealous than the men. Still their knowledge in all cases was very imperfect, and it was uncertain how well they would endure persecution. Nearly all the members of the mission were there at different times; as also Tannûs el Haddad, and Butrus el-Bistany, of the native helpers.

Meanwhile the spirit of persecution was rising. The Greek Patriarch at Damascus became alarmed, and tidings were received that a company of horsemen was coming from Zahleh, a large nominally Christian town at the eastern foot of Lebanon, to force a recantation from the Protestants of Hasbeiya. Mr. Smith and Butrus were there at the time. The stony-ground hearers had fallen off; yet fifty adults were present at the preaching, and gave close attention. Of women a larger number than usual were present, and seemed to be waking up to the idea, that religion was a thing for them. From twelve to fifteen women attended a daily afternoon prayermeeting. It was affecting to think how lately these were blind devotees of the virgin and the saints, and profaning the name of God a hundred times a day. "Going to the afternoon service," says Mr. Smith, "where Butrus addressed the people, I found the children of the congregation assembled in the court, and engaged in repeating the Assembly's Catechism. Their order was perfect, their attention solemn, and their answers generally given with correctness, while the teacher showed his own improvement by the explanations he gave them. Their parents and friends stood around, and listened with evident gratification, while curiosity had drawn the members of a neighboring Greek family to their windows, and they too were quietly looking on. To appreciate its interest you must have been present, and heard the shouts rising at the same time from an opposite quarter, where the boys of the town were assembled in belligerent array, and making a mimic (or rather real) war, by throwing stones at each other, to see which would gain the victory. The little company before me, when I first came to the place, scarcely two months ago, were as fully carried away as any of them with these wild sports, and even parental authority could not, for a Sabbath or two, bring them to break off for an hour to learn the word of God. Now, what a change! It was as if the devil had been cast out of them, and they were sitting in their right minds. Such are missionary triumphs, and the joy that springs from them is what the world can neither give nor take away."

Some members of the community not being satisfied with the strictness of the mission in regard to baptism and the Lord's Supper, the two brethren went into a thorough explanation of the subject. This led to a long and earnest conversation. The next day, July 4, the people gave in their reply; which was, that they would yield entirely to the judgment of the missionaries, who might admit them to the rites of the church when they thought them qualified.

On Sabbath, July 14, it being certain that the people of Zahleh were coming, the Protestants assembled in the house of the missionary, to enter into a solemn covenant to stand by each other to the last. After the service, they drew up an engagement in the following terms: "We, whose names are hereto subscribed, do covenant together before God and this assembly, and pledge ourselves upon the holy Gospel, that we will remain leagued together in one faith; that we will not forsake this faith, nor shall any separate us from each other while we are in this world; and that we will be of one hand and one heart in the worship of God, according to the doctrines of the Gospel. In God is our help." The covenant was taken by them separately, each one standing by the table, and laying his hand upon the Bible as it was read to him. Sixty-eight names were subscribed on the spot; and the number was increased next day to seventy-six, all of them adult males.

"The affecting solemnity of this scene," writes Mr. Smith, "I leave you to imagine. I have been many years a missionary, and have witnessed a great variety of heart-thrilling events, but this is one of the last that I shall ever forget. Would that that chamber, as then crowded with those hardy mountaineers, in the interesting attitude of that moment, could have been thrown upon the painter's canvas! At some future day, when the Gospel shall have triumphed here, it would be cherished and admired as the first declaration of independence against ecclesiastical tyranny and traditionary superstition."

About thirty horsemen arrived the next day from Zahleh, to quarter themselves on the Protestant families until they yielded, or were impoverished; but the people, foreseeing their intentions, had closed their houses, and assembled elsewhere. The storm seemed now ready to burst upon them. At this moment two Druzes, one the leading feudal sheik of the province, the other a man of unequaled personal bravery, made their way through the excited crowd; seated themselves by the side of the Emir; protested in the strongest language against the treatment the Protestants were receiving from their townsmen; warned all against treating them as men who had no friends to take their part; and called upon the Emir to stand forth in their defense, promising to support him if he did. This decided interference checked a little the progress of events.

The people of Zahleh had been accompanied by a number of Greek priests, and in prosecuting their object employed entreaties, threats, bribes, reproaches, and actual violence. They were countenanced by the Emir, and backed up by a "Young Men's Party," which had grown into an organization under the political excitement of the times. They returned home in consequence of an order obtained from the Pasha of Damascus, but not until they had drawn away perhaps twenty, old and young, some of whom soon after returned to the instructions of Mr. Thomson and Tannûs, who had taken the place of Mr. Smith and Butrus. While they were absent on the mountain to recover from illness, the result of confinement, anxiety, and a suffocating sirocco, the "Young Men" rose in arms, against the Protestant brethren. They virtually took the government of the place into their own hands, and the Protestant men fled to escape their murderous violence. Returning to Hasbeiya, Mr. Thomson found only the wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters of those who had fled; some of them so poor as not to know how or where they could find their daily bread, yet apparently without fear. He overtook the fugitive people the next day, who were half perishing with hunger. Abeih was their place of refuge; and there they remained till October, zealously attending upon religious instruction.

In that month, one of the two Druze skeiks [sic] arrived, who had interposed on their behalf on the fifteenth of July, bringing with him a document from the Pasha of Damascus, procured, it was said, by Mr. Wood, English Consul there, directing their return and guaranteeing their entire security. The guaranty proved to be illusive, though probably not intended to be so. Strong, unfriendly influences were subsequently brought to bear on the Pasha.1 They were accompanied by Butrus, and it was intended that one of the missionaries should soon follow. The party reached Hasbeiya on the fourteenth of October, and found those who had remained there in great fear. The Patriarch having arrived the same day, to inflame the passions of their enemies, intimidate the governor, and weaken the hands of the Druze sheiks. Butrus wrote, advising that no missionary come there until the Patriarch was gone, and things had become more quiet. He was succeeded by Tannûs, in October, and he, in the following month, by Elias el-Fuaz. The friendly governor was at length set aside for one more in sympathy with their persecutors. On the two following Sabbaths, the Bible-men were stoned in the streets, and Elias el-Fuaz was seriously wounded; while the governor made only a sham resistance, that emboldened the evil-doers, as he intended it should, till the native preacher was driven from the place, and some of the Protestants fled to Lebanon. Others, wearied with persecutions to which they could see no end, complied so far with the demands of the Patriarch, as to visit the Greek church, though they took no part in the services, and openly spoke against its idolatries. This very partial compliance relieved them from persecution, but inwardly set them more firmly against an organization that resorted to such measures to retain them.

1 Not only the influence of the Patriarch of Damascus, but also of the Russian Consul-general of Syria, who wrote to the Pasha as follows, on learning that Mr. Wood had privately secured permission for the Protestants to return home:—

"However, I may desire to address your Excellency on this subject in a friendly manner, I must remind you, that I am serving the magnificent Emperor of Russia, and that we have the right of protecting the Greek Church in the Ottoman dominions. I should greatly regret, if I were compelled to change my language and protest against every proceeding which may lead to the humiliation of the Greek Church at Hasbeiya, and the encouragement of pretended Protestants, especially as the Sublime Porte does not recognize among her subjects such a community."

I give this on the authority of the Rev. J. L. Porter, English missionary at Damascus, a man every way competent to give testimony in this case.

The station at Jerusalem was suspended in this year, and Mr. Lanneau removed to Beirût. Mr. and Mrs. Keyes, in consequence of a failure of health, returned to the United States.

The seminary was now revived, not at Beirût, but at Abeih, fifteen hundred feet above the sea-level, in a temperate atmosphere, and with a magnificent prospect of land and sea. The experience gained in the former seminary was of use in reconstructing the new one. Its primary object was to train up an efficient native ministry. None were to be received to its charity foundation, except such as had promising talents and were believed to be truly pious. The education was to be essentially Arabic, the clothing, boarding, and lodging strictly in the native style, and the students were to be kept as far as possible in sympathy with their own people.

A chapel for public worship was fitted up, and here, as also at Beirût, there was preaching every Sabbath in the Arabic language, with an interesting Sabbath-school between the services. Mr. Calhoun having joined the mission, coming from Smyrna, the charge of the new seminary was committed to him. The Rev. Thomas Laurie arrived from Mosul the same year.

Yakob Agha died in the year 1845. The evidence he gave of piety had never been wholly satisfactory, but for the last six years he was a communicant in the church. In this time he appeared to be a changed man, and his missionary brethren hoped that, with all his failings, he was a sincere believer and died in the Lord.

In the spring of this year war broke out afresh between the Druzes and Maronites, and Lebanon was again purged by fire. It was in no sense a religious war, but a desperate struggle for political ascendency. The Maronite clergy in the Druze part of the mountain had been rapidly recovering power, and were as rapidly rising in their opposition to the mission. The result of this war, as aforetime, was the destruction of their villages and their power; and the Patriarch sank under the disappointment and died. Moreover the party in Hasbeiya, which stoned the Protestants and their teachers, were driven out of the place by the Druzes, and great numbers of them killed, so that the "Young Men's" party seemed to be broken to pieces.1

1 There was a special enmity of the Druzes against the Christians of Hasbeiya. The most celebrated sacred place of the Druzes is on the top of a hill just above Hasbeiya, called Khûlwat el Biyâd. In their revolt against Ibrahim Pasha in 1838, he was aided by the Christians, and when the Druzes were defeated in a battle near this place, their sacred place was entered, and several chests of books, setting forth their tenets, were scattered through the land. The Christians paid dearly for their trespass. The leader of the Hauran rebellion became, for a time, the governor of Hasbeiya, and for this loss imposed exorbitant indemnities on every one, who had been known to take a book. The consequent enmity between the parties doubtless had much to do with the events described above.

Abeih, now a missionary station, was inhabited by both Druzes and Maronites, and the conflict began there on the 9th of May. Our brethren were all along assured by both parties, that neither they nor their property would be molested, whichever was victorious. The Druzes early had the advantage, and the Maronite part of the village was speedily in flames, and more than three hundred and fifty Maronites were obliged to take refuge in a strong palace belonging to one of the Shehab Emirs. About two hundred more, and among them several of the most obnoxious, found an asylum in the houses of the missionaries, and in the house of a native helper of the mission, which, being in the centre of the Maronite quarter, was crowded with refugees. Mr. Thomson ventured out in the midst of the tumult, and succeeded in getting a guard of Druzes and Greeks whom he could trust, placed around this house, and thus the people with their goods were secured. The palace was in danger of being taken by storm, and the people within it all massacred; when the leaders of the Druzes, to avoid this, requested Mr. Thomson to carry a flag of truce, with offers of safety and permission to retire whenever they might choose. This was done at some risk, as the battle was still raging. After the surrender, Dr. Van Dyck dressed the wounded Maronites in the palace, and brought several of them to his own house. He also performed like services for the wounded Druzes. This he did not without peril to himself; for, returning alone from the neighboring village, where he had gone on this professional errand, a Druze warrior mistook him for a Maronite, and was so enraged that one in an Arab dress and with an Arab tongue should pretend to be an American, that, but for the providential coming up of one who knew the Doctor, he would have killed him on the spot. Meanwhile Mr. Laurie had come safely from Beirût, attended by only two janissaries, and passing through hordes of the victorious Druzes. Finding, on his arrival, a half-burned corpse of the Italian padre lying in the street, he buried it under the pavement of his chapel.

The Maronites being in a starving condition, the missionaries baked for them all the flour they had on hand, and sent express by night to Beirût for more. Fearing, too, that the Maronites might be massacred by the Druzes on their way down to Beirût, notwithstanding their Turkish escort, they sent an express to Colonel Rose, the English Consul-general, which brought him up immediately with his most efficient protection. It should be added, that on the day the Maronites left Abeih, a strong proclamation came out from the Maronite and Greek Catholic bishops at Beirût to all their people, requiring them to protect all the members of the American mission.

The reflections of Mr. Smith on the death of the persecuting Patriarch, are just and impressive. "What a lesson," he says, "does that event, in such circumstances, teach us! After having martyred that faithful witness Asaad Shidiak, caused the Bible often to be burned, had missionaries insulted and stoned, and boasted that he had at last left no spot open for them to enter the mountains, he finds himself stripped of all his power; missionaries established permanently in the midst of his flock, and his own favorite bishop constrained to give orders for their protection; his people once and again ravaged and ruined in wars, which his own measures have hastened, if they have not originated; and finally he sinks himself under his disappointment and dies. How signally has the blood of the martyred Asaad been avenged upon him even in this life."

The war broke up the schools in the mountains; but in the following year there were ten schools in charge of the station at Abeih, with four hundred and thirty-six pupils. One hundred and forty-four of these were girls, and one hundred and ninety-seven Druzes. Connected with the Beirût station, were four schools for boys and girls, and one for girls alone. In Suk el-Ghûrb, a village four miles from Abeih, a Protestant secession from the Greek Church was in progress, embracing fourteen families, and religious services were held with them every Sabbath. At Bhamdûn, the summer residence for the brethren of the Beirût station, there were a number of decided Protestants, who declared that they found persons to sympathize with them wherever they went. Even in Zahleh, the hot-bed of fanaticism, there were men who openly argued from the Gospel against the prevailing errors. Mr. Smith wrote of a village on Mount Hermon, that sixty men were known to be standing ready to follow the example of Hasbeiya, as soon as the Protestants in that place had made good their position. He also declared the movement in Hasbeiya the beginning of what would doubtless have been a great revolution, had persecution been delayed.

Mr. Lanneau's health constrained him to retire from the field in 1846. In the same year, Dr. Van Dyck, having acquired an extraordinary facility in the use of the Arabic language, was ordained to the work of the Gospel ministry.

CHAPTER XVII.

GREECE.

DR. JONAS KING AND THE GREEK HIERARCHY.

1845-1847.

The struggle of Dr. Jonas King with the Greek Hierarchy, deserves a permanent record. The point at issue between them was, freedom to worship God and to preach the Gospel in Greece. The conflict was not waged by Dr. King as a Greek citizen, for such he never claimed to be, though he was a property-owner in Athens, and married to a Greek lady, who retained her nominal connection with the Greek Church.

These facts were helpful to him, as was also his American citizenship. A mere citizen of Greece could not have maintained his ground after the persecuting hierarchy had overawed the courts of justice and the officers of state. His courage resembled that of Martin Luther. He was a sturdy Puritan, which no Greek at that time could have been; and he had strong resemblances to the great Reformer, as will abundantly appear in the sequel. Yet the fact of his foreign origin made him to be no more than the forerunner of a Grecian Luther. His labors and sufferings only prepared the way for a national reformation, which it may be hoped is yet to come.

Early in 1845, a public accusation was made against Dr. King, that he had uttered impious language respecting the Virgin Mary. In reply, he quoted from Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus, one of the Fathers of the Eastern Church, who says: "Let the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost be worshipped; Mary, let no one worship." Such a defense, as the writer anticipated, only increased the excitement. The most abusive epithets were heaped upon him. Among other things, he was accused of falsifying the testimony of the Fathers. He published a "Defense," in a small volume of about two hundred pages; embracing a history of the controversy from the beginning, and proving his teachings to be, as he affirmed, doctrines of the Greek Church. This he did by freely quoting from Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Clemens, and others. The book was sent to the most prominent men, civil and ecclesiastical, in Greece and Turkey, and produced a powerful impression. Several persons of distinction confessed that it was true.

It was not to be expected, however, that such a publication would escape the condemnation of the more bigoted members of the Greek Church. The opposition became furious, with threats of personal violence. In August, the "Holy Synod of the kingdom of Greece" formally denounced the book and its author. Dr. King was characterized as a hypocrite, imposter, deceiver, as impious and abominable, and a vessel of Satan; and after a confused and lame attempt at an answer, every orthodox Christian was forbidden to read it, and required to deliver it to the flames. The writer was pronounced "an outlaw, whom no one might salute or greet in the street," and all were forbidden to enter his dwelling, or to eat or drink with him, on pain of the most severe ecclesiastical penalty. The Synod also requested the government to institute a criminal prosecution. In view of all this, Dr. King consoles himself with the Saviour's words (Luke vi. 22, 23), "Blessed are ye when men shall hate you, and when they shall separate you from their company, and shall reproach you, and cast out your name as evil, for the Son of man's sake. Rejoice ye in that day, and leap for joy."

In September, officers of justice entered the house of the missionary, and seized all the copies of his book they could find, ninety-seven in number. About nine hundred had been previously distributed. He was then summoned to appear before one of the judges to be examined. I give his own characteristic statement.

"My examination and answers were as follows:—

Question. What is your name?

Answer. Jonas King.

Q. Your country?

A. The United States of America.

Q. Of what city?

A. Hawley, a country town.

Q. What is your age?

A. Fifty-three.

Q. What is your profession?

A. I am an evangelist, that is, a preacher of the Word of God.

Q. What is your religion?

A. What God teaches in His Word; I am a Christian, most orthodox.

Q. Did you publish this book, entitled "Jonas King's Defense, etc.?"

A. I did, and distributed it here and elsewhere. I gave it to all the professors in the University, and to others.

"The Judge then read to me my accusation as follows: 'You are accused of having in your book reviled the Mother of God, the holy images, the liturgy of Chrysostom and Basil, the seven oecumenical councils, and the transformation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ in the fearful mystery of the communion. Have you any defense to make?'

"A. Those things in my book with regard to Mary, with regard to transubstantiation, and with regard to images, I did not say; but the most brilliant luminaries of the Eastern Church, St. Epiphanius, St. Chrysostom, the great St. Basil, St. Irenæus, Clemens, and Eusebius Pamphyli, say them.

Q. Have you anything to add?

A. Nothing.

Q. Do you know how to write?

A. Enough to write my name.

"I was then directed to subscribe my name to the examination, which
I did, and went away."

In October, intelligence came of the "excommunication" of the book and its author by the "Great Church" at Constantinople. They assigned the publicity which the "Defense" had obtained in Turkey as the reason for this act; and this was doubtless the reason why the synodical accusation was sent extensively to be read in the Greek churches of the East.

The case went to trial, and was decided against Dr. King in three successive courts, the last of which was the Areopagus, or highest court of appeal. This was in April, 1846. In this latter court, he was well defended by two Greek lawyers, and permission was granted him, at his request, to address the court. But after about twenty minutes and repeated interruptions by the President, he was silenced altogether; not having the freedom which the Pagan Areopagus of ancient times gave to the first missionary to Greece. The effect of these decisions was to declare the offenses charged against Dr. King to be criminal in law, and to refer the case, for trial as to the truth of the charges and the infliction of punishment, to the criminal court. If condemned, he must suffer imprisonment. The trial was to take place at Syra in July. An inflammatory pamphlet was secretly printed by a priest, named Callistratus, for distribution at the place of trial among judges, jurors, and the populace. It was industriously circulated among the lowest class, with the avowed sanction of the high priest of the Cyclades. Dr. King soon ascertained that a conspiracy was formed there against his life, similar to the one which endangered the life of the great Apostle on his last visit to Jerusalem. Three Greek lawyers were engaged for his defense at Syra, of whom one was Mr. Stephen Galatti, who had been educated by the Board in America, and two of these accompanied him in the steamer. At least a thousand people awaited his landing. Such was the excitement, that even the lawyers dreaded to go among them, and the governor of the island confessed his inability to give effectual protection. The king's attorney decided, that he could not be legally compelled to submit to a trial on that day. His lawyers therefore advised him to return in the steamer to Athens, which he did. Learning, soon after his arrival, through his wife, of a combination there to take his life, he acquainted Sir Edmund Lyons, the British Ambassador, with the fact, and that gentleman kindly offered him British protection in case of need.

It would be charitable to suppose, that the government had not entered into this prosecution willingly, but were urged on by the hierarchy. Certain it is, that the whole subject was allowed to rest for nearly a year. But on the 4th of June, 1847, the missionary received a citation from the officers of government to appear in person for trial before the criminal court at Syra. As a similar court was at that moment holding a session in Athens, he could regard the motive of the citation as not very different from that which led the Jews to demand the transfer of St. Paul's trial from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. It was subsequently affirmed, that this proceeding had been without the knowledge of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Justice; and the King's attorney soon after recalled the citation. The British Ambassador again proffered his kind offices, and there were friends among the Greeks themselves. But the great body of the people were hostile, and Dr. King concludes one of his letters thus: "I feel that my Lord and Master has called me to this combat, and though it seems to be waxing hotter and hotter, so long as my Captain and Leader lives, I have nothing to fear." He was somewhat cheered by the assurance of a Greek of standing, that his book, though the cause of much suffering to the author, had given a turn to public opinion.

After this Dr. King ventured out into the city with considerable freedom, and conversed with such as he met on the subject of religion. Many, even some of the priests, saluted him in the streets, though contrary to the commands of the Holy Synod. A member of the Synod, who had subscribed the excommunication, on meeting him returned his salutation.

There was only a lull in the storm. In July of the same year, a series of articles appeared in a leading newspaper of Athens called the "Age," designed to excite the prejudices of the Greeks against our missionary, and to urge them to put a stop to the scandal of his preaching. The last and most extraordinary of these was avowedly from Simonides, and was fitted to produce an excitement in the Greek community. Its statements were improbable in the highest degree, and there could not have been a more affecting proof of the superstition and bigotry of the people of Athens, than the general credence given to this gross fabrication.

The article was called "The Orgies," and was under the headings of "Mystery of Marriage," and "Mystery of Baptism;" and a translation of it may be found in the "Missionary Herald" for 1847.1

1 See Missionary Herald for 1847, pp. 366-368.

It was subsequently ascertained, that Simonides was materially aided by two priests; who were elevated, not long after, one to an archdeaconry, the other to an archbishopric, under the "Great Church" at Constantinople. What immediately followed, will be described by Dr. King himself.

"While reading the article in my family, the Governor of Attica, Mr. Soutzos, came in and desired to speak with me alone. He informed me that he had come to say to me from the Minister of the Interior, that, on the one hand, they wished to give me protection, and that, a week before, there was no reason for suspecting any difficulty, unless it were from my own conscience; but that they desired me to put a stop to the scandal of my preaching. He had also to say to me from the Minister of Religion, that I must do so, or the government would take some measures against me.

"To this I replied, that I considered it an insult, on the part of the Minister of the Interior, to say that I had no reason for fear except from my own conscience, as I had reason to fear from the threats I had heard from various quarters; that my conscience was perfectly clear, inasmuch as I had done nothing but my duty; that as to my preaching, I considered myself free to preach the Gospel in my own house. 'Yes,' said he, 'but not to admit others of the Greek religion.' I replied, that I considered myself as having the same right, which is enjoyed by the Roman Catholics, by the English, by the King's chaplain, and by the Queen's, to hold my service with open doors; that the government did not demand of any person of any other rite to close his doors against such as might wish to come, and that, should I do this, I might be justly suspected of doing something improper; that I had a right to preach in my own house, and that the constitution protected me in this right; that I intended to preach, and with open doors, and whosoever wished might come; that what had appeared in the "Age" with regard to my religious service, called the "Orgies," and with regard to proselytes, was all false; and that it was folly for the government to found an accusation, or take any measures against me, on the ground of such abominable falsehoods. But if they chose to prevent Greeks from coming to my service, they had the power so to do.

"The governor said that this was the last advice the Minister of Religion had to give me, and it would be followed by severe measures.

"During the greater part of this conversation, my wife was present, and added remarks vindicating my right to do as I pleased in my own house, and declaring the accusations, which had appeared in the 'Age' of the preceding day, to be false."

One of the two Greek lawyers already mentioned, on being consulted with regard to an article in the Penal Code, to which the Governor had referred, said that it had no reference whatever to the case of Dr. King, but only to secret societies. In the evening, the missionary observed three soldiers guarding his house, and was told that they were placed there for that purpose.

Hearing that the Swedish Minister desired an interview, Dr. King called, and was informed that the King had expressed a wish that he should "economize" the present difficulty by taking a journey, as in protecting him there might be bloodshed; that the people were much exasperated, and the Parliament being about to assemble, many sought to throw everything into confusion; that they might feel obliged to order him away, which they did not wish to do, as then, in order to return, he must have a permit, which it might be difficult to obtain; whereas, if he went away voluntarily, he could return whenever he pleased.

It seemed wise to comply with these suggestions, and Dr. King resolved to take the Austrian steamer, then soon to leave the Piræus for Trieste. Sir Edmund Lyons secured for him a passport, and assured him that he would take special care of his family during his absence. At the Piræus he was most hospitably entertained by Mr. and Mrs. Buel, of the American Baptist Mission in that place. He arrived at Geneva on the 25th of August, where he met with Christian sympathy and a hearty welcome.

Simonides subsequently published other articles in the same newspaper, entitled "The Mysteries of Jonas King," and "Teaching of Jonas King against the honorable and life-giving Cross;" and still another, entitled "He is sent away;" all designed, and some of them well adapted, to exasperate the multitude. An extract from the last may find a place in this history.

"The false apostle, Jonas King, is out of the Greek commonwealth. His nation-corrupting and Satanic congregation of strange doctrine, already bearing date of fifteen years, has now been destroyed. The terrible progress of the great common scandal of religious strange doctrine, has been smitten on the head. In giving this important news we congratulate Greece, being persuaded that every other important question of the day holds, in respect to this, a second place. It concerned religious sentiments, from which flows the Greek existence, the national personality; and the corruption of these religious sentiments, or even the simple disturbance of them, effected especially in the female race, would overturn from the foundation everything which holds together the strong links of Grecian nationality and liberty.

"Of all the foreign holy apostles, of various religions and various heresies, unhappily for Greece, heaped together from every quarter, no one became more to be feared, and more destructive, than the imposter and deceiver, Jonas King. A man of much speech, of powerful sophistry, of infinite subtlety, of hypocrisy incarnate, uniting in himself, also, boldness and great pecuniary means, he was able to proceed to such lengths, profiting for many years from the double indifference of the political and ecclesiastical authorities, as to proclaim publicly, that the act of the holy Synod against him of the 5th of August (19th, N. S.), was unjust and false."

There can be no doubt that a withdrawal from Greece, just at that time, was the only judicious course to be pursued; and perhaps the proceedings of the government, in view of the uncontrollable excitement of the people, were all that could have been reasonably expected. For a week after the departure of Dr. King, a guard of ten or twelve soldiers was kept at his house, to protect it from the mob.

Subsequently, the government went into a protracted examination of the case, for which no satisfactory reason has been assigned. It had the effect to delay the return of Dr. King, and it may have been designed for that end. And perhaps they hoped, by eliciting the truth, to allay public excitement.

Dr. King proceeded to Malta in November, that he might be nearer Athens, and Mrs. King joined him there in February. About that time, by advice of his counsel, he petitioned the Greek government to bring the examination to a speedy close. While in Malta, he printed his "Farewell Letter"1 in French and Italian, and the edition was distributed in Malta, Sicily, Rome, Tuscany, and other places. An edition of two thousand copies is said to have been printed in Sicily in 1849, of which nine hundred copies were distributed in one night, and seven hundred in another, apparently with good effect.

1 This letter is mentioned repeatedly in the second, third, and seventh chapters. The reader, who is curious to see precisely what it was, will find the translation of a large portion of it in the Missionary Herald for 1828, pp. 141-145.

CHAPTER XVIII.

DR. JONAS KING AND THE GREEK HIERARCHY.

1847-1869.

Impatient of longer delay, Dr. King boldly resolved upon returning to Athens, and he arrived there on the 20th of June, 1848. He assigns his reason for this in a letter to his Secretary: "I thought it best," he writes, "to wait no longer, but to throw myself suddenly into the midst of the people, and take whatever might come. No one ever took a castle by remaining quietly outside. He may lose his life, and he may take the castle. At any rate, here I am. I believed it my duty to come, and to come now, and I returned with my mind perfectly tranquil. I know that a sparrow shall not fall to the ground without my Father, and that the very hairs of my head are all numbered."

The newspapers were silent. The editor of the "Age," who printed the
"Orgies," gave him his hand, and welcomed him back to Greece.
Simonides tried to revive the excitement, but did not succeed.
Calling on most of the King's Ministers, as a matter of civility, he
was generally received with cordiality.

It was not thought prudent, however, to resume his preaching at once, but his book depository was opened, and Bibles, Testaments, and other religious books were again in demand. Within six months after his return, he printed over five hundred thousand pages of religious books; and the opening of the year 1849 found him preaching publicly on the Sabbath, with a Scripture exposition Thursday evening, and several young men much impressed by these ministrations. The disturbed political condition of Europe at that time, had a tendency, no doubt, to divert the public attention. One fact deserves mention. Just as a new paper was about to be published at Athens, with the special design of holding up Protestant missions to popular indignation, a British fleet appeared in the offing, and public attention was diverted from the undertaking. In August, several students from the University attended the Sabbath and Thursday evening services, and called at other times for conversation, and two Greeks of hopeful piety were accustomed to take part in reading the Scriptures and extempore prayer at a Sabbath evening prayermeeting. The devoted missionary felt himself called on to work while the day lasted.

It is worthy of note that Simonides, whose inflammatory writings had led to the withdrawal of our missionary brother from Athens, pretended about this time to have discovered certain Greek manuscripts of Homer, Hesiod, etc., which he claimed to be more ancient than any others, and some men of learning thought them to be genuine; but when they were discovered to be forgeries, the people regarded him as a deceiver and liar.

Nearly three years elapsed after Dr. King's return to Athens, and he began to be more encouraged in his work. He speaks of a call from an abbot of a convent, who embraced him as a brother on leaving, and whom he regarded as indeed a brother in the Lord. But early in the spring of 1851, indications of public uneasiness began again to appear. The Synod represented to the Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs "the scandalous attacks of the American, King, on the Holy and Orthodox Church," and demanded prompt redress according to law.

The first outbreak of the popular feeling was in Dr. King's own house, on the 23d of March, by evil-minded persons assembled at the usual preaching service on the Sabbath. Entering the room, he found it crowded with more than one hundred persons. The strictest attention was given to the sermon, but a student of theology in the University began to put questions immediately after the benediction, and a tumult soon arose. The audience was composed of friends and foes, the former endeavoring to prevent a disturbance, while the latter reviled them. Finding remonstrance unavailing, Dr. King unfurled at the door the flag of the United States, which the absent Consul had committed to his care, and at the sight of this the crowd immediately withdrew.

On the 15th of May, 1851, he was called to appear before a judge to answer to the charge of proselyting. The first ten or twelve questions and answers were similar to those in the examination six years before. The remainder is here reported:—

Question. What do you preach?

Answer. The Word of God; that is, the Scriptures contained in the Old and New Testament, which are recognized by all Christian Churches as being the Word of God. This word I hold in my hand, and endeavor to draw the attention of those present to what it contains, saying, "Thus saith the Lord," and pointing out to them the book, chapter, and verse, where what I state is to be found.

Q. Have you any other service?

A. In the afternoon I have sometimes a service, which consists in reading the Word of God, and in prayer and some remarks, the object of which is to draw the attention of those present to what Christ teaches.

Q. Do many attend this service in the afternoon?

A. Very few.

Q. Do you invite people to come to your preaching, or do they come of their own accord?

A. In general they come of their own accord. If any ask me if it is permitted to them to come, I always tell them that my house is open, and any one who wishes is free to come. When I first commenced this service, in the time of Capodistria, I invited his particular friend, old Mr. Konstantas, and others.

Q. Our questions relate principally to the last two years.

A. During that time, and since the great opposition to my preaching commenced, I have been particularly careful, in general, to avoid inviting people.

Q. You are accused of having, this year and the last, expressed things to the offense of others, and of having expressed principles, sentiments, and opinions, which attack in general the foundations of religion, and are otherwise injurious. Have you anything to say by way of defense?

A. What religion is meant? If it be that of Mohammed, I may be guilty.

Q. The religion of the Oriental Orthodox Church?

A. I have already said that my preaching consists in teaching what is contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, that is, the Word of God, which all the most distinguished early Fathers in the Eastern Church, especially Chrysostom and Athanasius, declared to be the only school of godliness, the fountain at which all Christians ought to drink; and if the Eastern Church acknowledges these sacred Scriptures as the foundations of its religion, I cannot be guilty of the charge, for I have said nothing against those bases. As to the superstructure, what has at various times been built up on these foundations, I have nothing to say at this time. That is quite another question, and one which the accusation does not touch. But against the foundations themselves, as already explained, I can have said nothing, because I preach that Word, which contains them. And besides, I consider it a sin for any one to preach anything of his own, and that it is the duty of every one to preach only what is contained in the Word of God."

The judge then said, "The examination is ended."1

1 Missionary Herald, 1851, p. 268.

Dr. King, sometime before, had prepared an "Exposition of an Apostolical Church," founded entirely on the Word of God, which was printed in Cambridge, Massachusetts. This was extensively distributed, and was denounced by the Greek hierarchy in Constantinople, Smyrna, and Thessalonica. In September, the Council of Judges in the criminal court of Athens, a sort of grand jury, presented him for trial in that court upon the allegations, that for two years he had "preached within his house in this place publicly, in the exposition of the sacred Scriptures, that baptism is no other than a simple symbol, and consequently it is indifferent whether men are sprinkled or immersed; that those who eat a little bread, and drink a little wine, are foolish in thinking that they will be saved by this communion; that the most holy mother of God is not ever virgin; that those who worship her, as also the other divine images, are idolaters; that he does not accept the sacred Councils, and the things ordained by them in religion, and handed down by tradition to the orthodox Christians in later times; that the fathers and the saints of the orthodox Oriental Church of Christ were deceivers, and as a consequence of this, they brought in divers heresies; that holy baptism is no other than an external sign for Christians;" etc.

There were successive appeals, as in the former case, up to the Areopagus; but with similar results, except that the highest court decided that the penal law did not apply to one half of the allegations. It was hoped that the matter would end here, but a trial was ordered for the 5th of March, 1852.

Great pains were taken, by the evil-disposed, to excite a tumult when Dr. King was brought before the court; and the head of police, while giving assurance of protection, advised him to go to the court-house in a carriage. This he declined. After a prayer with his family, he took his little son by the hand, and, in company with an American friend, walked first to the house of Mr. Pellicas, one of his lawyers. There he was told, that the King's attorney, in view of the excitement among the people, desired him to wait till he could enter the court with some hope of safety. But Dr. King did not wish a postponement on account of the excitement, of which there would always be more or less, and so they set out again on foot for the court-room. It was with difficulty they pressed through the crowd, in which the peculiar hats of many priests were to be seen on all sides. Our missionary declares, that he felt very happy, though not indifferent to his position, in the full belief, that the result would be good.

The charge of reviling the dogmas of the Eastern Church, which was now their only dependence, was not proved. So the King's attorney had recourse to the "Exposition of an Apostolical Church," printed in the United States, to the "Defense," printed in 1845, and to the "Farewell Letter," printed twenty-seven years before, which formed no part of the indictments, on the assumption that he must have preached the sentiments they contained. But even so, his preaching would be no more a reviling of the dogmas of the Greek Church, than any other exposition of the doctrines held by the millions of Protestants in Europe and America. His lawyers made an able defense, though embarrassed by the evident bias of the President of the court. After a trial of six hours, Dr. King was adjudged to be guilty, and was condemned to fifteen days' imprisonment, to pay the costs of court, and then to be banished from the Kingdom of Greece.

The court-house was soon cleared by the soldiers, but such a crowd awaited Dr. King without, that the military officer in charge proposed to call a carriage, and the King's attorney consented to his returning to his own house for the night, rather than going immediately to prison. He went out through a back door, and the officer ordered two or three soldiers to mount the carriage before and behind. Just as they entered the carriage, a rush was made by the crowd, but the soldiers drove them back with their bayonets.

He had been arraigned for violating the seventeenth and eighteenth articles of the Penal Code; yet the attorney failed to prove the "reviling," contemplated in the seventeenth article, and the Areopagus had decided that the eighteenth did not apply to the case. So that Dr. King was adjudged to be deserving of imprisonment and banishment, simply for preaching the Gospel in his own house, as held by all evangelical Christians. Yet the government claimed to be tolerant of all religions.

On the 9th of March, Dr. King entered the prison of Athens, where were one hundred and twenty-five prisoners, occupying eleven small rooms, eight of which were ten or eleven feet square, with from eight to twelve prisoners in each, the other three being larger.

"My heart is not sorrowful," he writes on the same day, "but full of joy. I consider this as one of the brightest days of my life. With my whole heart I thank the Lord Jesus Christ, that I am counted worthy to suffer shame for his name, and for the truths which he has taught. The morning before I came to the prison, I read with great interest, yea, I may say with tears of joy, Hebrews xi., xii., and xiii.; and I felt constrained to render to the Most High ascriptions of praise for mercies, rather than to seek freedom from trials. My principal petition to God, during all these days of excitement and triumph of the enemy, has been, that the name of the Lord may be glorified in me, and that the cause of truth may finally prevail."

On the 10th, having appealed to the Areopagus, he was removed to the police office, where he was treated kindly, and his friends had liberty to call upon him freely. Three days later, becoming ill of a fever, he was removed to his own house, where he remained, under a guard provided for the purpose, till the decision of the Areopagus was announced on the 25th. The sentence of the Criminal Court was confirmed.

By the more intelligent in the community, whether native or foreign, and by several of the ablest journals, the proceedings of the court were strongly condemned. Twelve Greek lawyers, several of whom had held the highest offices in Greece and were among the most distinguished of their profession, signed their names to a letter, declaring their entire dissent from its proceedings.1

1 See Annual Report for 1852, p. 55, and Missionary Herald for 1852, p. 239.

Execution of the sentence of banishment was delayed by a protest from Dr. King, in the name of the United States Government, indicating his intention to appeal to that government. The time had now fully come for extending to him the protection due to missionaries in their just rights and privileges. There can be no doubt, that missionaries have equal claims to protection with their fellow-citizens, in the lawful pursuit of their profession as preachers of the Gospel.1 In 1842, Daniel Webster, being then Secretary of State, instructed Commodore Porter, Minister Resident at Constantinople, "to omit no occasion, where his interference in behalf of American missionaries might become necessary or useful, and to extend to them the proper succor and attentions of which they might stand in need, in the same manner that he would to other citizens of the United States, who as merchants should visit or reside in Turkey."2 Happily Mr. Webster was again in the same high office. Twenty-nine years before, while the Greeks were fighting for their independence, he had eloquently pleaded their cause in the House of Representatives of the United States, and procured their recognition as a nation by our government. An appeal now came to him from an American citizen of the highest respectability, suffering oppression by that very nation which he had so befriended. There being no diplomatic agent of the United States in Greece, the Hon. George P. Marsh, the learned and able Minister Resident at Constantinople, was instructed to proceed to Athens in one of the ships of war, and inquire into the case, with one or more of the national vessels in that neighborhood subject to his order. Having a competent knowledge of the Greek language, Mr. Marsh entered upon his delicate mission in August, 1852, and prosecuted it till the arrival of his successor in the Constantinople embassy, late in 1853. During this time, Mr. Webster died, and was succeeded by Edward Everett; and he again by Mr. Marcy, on the accession of President Pierce. Mr. Webster's letter of instruction, dated April 29, 1852, states the case clearly, as it does also the rights of missionaries. Mr. Everett's letter, dated February 5, 1853, gives the opinion of President Fillmore, based on Mr. Marsh's report of the case. "Although the forms of the law may in general have been observed," Mr. Everett writes, "it is quite plain, that Dr. King was not tried for any offense clearly defined by the law of Greece; that his trial was in many respects unfairly and illegally conducted; that the constitution and laws of Greece guarantee a full toleration of all religious opinions; and that there is no proof that Dr. King has exceeded the just limits of the liberty of speech implied in such toleration." "Either the sound and safe maxims of criminal jurisprudence," he adds, "which prevail in this country, are unknown to the jurisprudence of Greece, or her tribunals were presided over by persons who entertained very false notions of the judicial character, or there are prejudices against Dr. King, which, in this case at least, corrupted the fountains of justice. It may have been in part produced by all three, and there is reason to suppose that such is the case. This state of things unavoidably destroys all confidence in the Greek courts, as far as Dr. King is concerned, and compels the President to regard their decision in this case as unjust and oppressive."3 He repeats the declaration of Mr. Webster, that missionaries are entitled to all the protection, which the Law of Nations allows to be extended to citizens who reside in foreign countries in the pursuit of their lawful business. Mr. Marsh was to communicate to the government of Greece the decided opinion of the President, "that Dr. King did not have a fair trial, and that consequently the sentence of banishment ought immediately to be revoked."

1 See Proceedings at the Annual Meeting of the Board in 1841, pp. 36-39.

2 See Memorial Volume of the First Fifty Years of the A. B. C. F. M., p. 201.

3 Congressional Documents, No. 9, Senate, 1854, p. 6.

The piece of ground in Athens purchased by Dr. King in 1829, was at that time little prized by Turks or Greeks. But after the capital became permanently fixed there, the land had become a most desirable part of the city, as it commanded an unobstructed view of many of the finest ancient monuments and interesting localities of Athens. For this reason it was early selected by the government as the site of a national church. The law required the value of all land thus taken, to be paid for before it was put to use. Years passed, and the government neither made use of it, nor allowed the owner to build upon it, and yet refused all compensation. This act of gross injustice—so gross that it even subjected the government to the suspicion of sinister aims in the prosecution of Dr. King,1—was one of the points referred to the President of the United States, and he declared his conviction, that compensation ought immediately to be made by the government of Greece.

1 Senate Documents, p, 184.

After some delay, this was done, but I know not to what extent. Mr. Paicos, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, objected, on purely technical grounds, to reversing the judgment founded on the charge of reviling the dogmas of the Greek Church; and as Dr. King very properly refused to receive a pardon, that judgment remained in force. It was never revived, however, and Mr. Pellicas, one of the counsel for the defense, having become Minister of Justice, a royal order was issued, revoking the sentence of banishment.

"Dr. King and his creed," writes Mr. Marsh to the Secretary of State, "have served as a convenient scape-goat, to bear maledictions intended for other teachers and other doctrines, as well as for himself and his faith; or perhaps as an experiment, to test how far the Greek government would sustain, or foreign powers permit, the encroachments of an intolerant priesthood upon the guarantees of the independence of Greece, and the solemn sanction of the constitution and laws."

A manifest change now took place in the popular sentiment towards the persecuted missionary. Many who had been bitterly opposed, became cordial. The preaching service had forty or fifty hearers, who were generally attentive. The "Exposition of an Apostolical Church" continued to attract notice. Dr. Barth's "Ecclesiastical History," translated by Dr. King, was extensively read; and the American Bible Society responded to an application for a new grant of ten thousand copies of the New Testament for the schools. Near the close of 1854, Dr. King placed at the disposal of the Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Public Instruction for the use of schools, a thousand copies of "Chrysostom on Reading the Scriptures," printed with the sanction of the American Tract Society. The Minister replied, thanking him for the books, and sending him a copy of a circular he had addressed to the teachers strongly recommending the reading by the pupils, not only of Chrysostom, but of the Scriptures also. Several young men appeared truly converted, and a class in theology was formed, made up of two young men from Athens and four from Constantinople. These had been in the Greek department of the Bebek Seminary, and were sent to study with Dr. King in consequence of the death of Mr. Benjamin. After a year and a half he still had this class. To aid them he wrote a little work in modern Greek, combating the idea, prevalent with many, that nothing in the Word of God can be understood, except by those who have been enlightened by the study of the Fathers. In January, 1857, he finished correcting the fifth volume of the American Tract Society's publications in modern Greek. The first volume he printed in 1853, the second and third in 1854, the fourth in 1855. The five volumes contained more than two thousand five hundred pages, and were in an eligible form; but they were found to be in advance of the national taste for religious reading.

The old enmity in Greece burst forth, once more, with violence, in forgeries and fictions of an extraordinary character. It was then regretted by many patrons of the mission, that the veteran missionary sustained consular relations to the United States, which prevented him from meeting this crisis in the simple character of a missionary; and such may have been the feeling of Dr. King himself, but he found it difficult to change his relations while the storm was raging. The public excitement, however, soon subsided, and he went on with his work unmolested.

In September, 1859, Dr. King was most unexpectedly cited to appear before the judicial authorities, to answer to charges brought against him, two years and a half before, by a Greek named Kephalas. After an examination of two hours, the accusation was read to him. Its import was not clear; but it implied an apprehension, that he was secretly endeavoring to form a Christian Church,—an exclusive body, with members, meetings, rules, and occupations, and a religion not recognized by the government.

After nearly a year, the Council of Judges decided not to proceed then with the proscution, [sic] and it was never resumed. Dr. King now printed, at private expense, five volumes of his own writings; one in French, and four in modern Greek. Two of the volumes in modern Greek are supposed to have been made up of forty-eight of his sermons, and one of miscellaneous documents. Among them were his Farewell Letter; his Defense; Speech before the Areopagus in 1846; Exposition of an Apostolic Church; Religious Rites of an Apostolical Church; Canons for the Interpretation of the Scriptures; Orgies of Simonides; Answer to the Greek Synod; The Opinion of Twelve Lawyers; Letter of the Hon. George P. Marsh to the Greek Government; etc.

In the great work of giving the Word of God to the people of Greece,
Dr. King fully acknowledges the hearty coöperation of the Episcopal
and Baptist missionaries, and of Bible agents both British and
American.

In the autumn of 1862, King Otho and his queen were constrained to fly from Greece. In the midst of the consequent revolution, the head of police sent a company of soldiers to protect the house of the missionary, but Mrs. King told him they were not afraid, and the soldiers went away. The editors of the "Age" and of the "Hope," his most bitter persecutors in years past, now fell into deep disgrace, and were in peril of their lives. Prince Alfred, of Protestant England, was elected king by an almost unanimous vote. Not obtaining him, they elected a king from Protestant Denmark. George I. arrived in October, 1863, and was received by the people with much joy. The form of government is a constitutional monarchy. There are neither titles nor privileged classes among the people. The only qualification for voting is that of a prescribed age, and all citizens are eligible to the offices of the state, who possess the required mental qualifications. Unfortunately for Greece, the article of the constitution of 1843 is retained, which, while it grants toleration, prohibits proselytism from the Established Church, which it declares to be a crime punishable by the penal code. It will be well for Greece, if this be dropped from the constitution in the revision to be made in 1875. In March of the year following, twenty-six editors of newspapers at Athens formed a society, "to discuss subjects connected with the good of the country," and, by a large majority, chose Dr. Kalopothakes, editor of the "Star of the East," for their President. In May, the venerable missionary was invited by the king to administer the Lord's Supper in the palace; which was no more than an act of public justice towards one of the oldest, most disinterested, and self-sacrificing of the friends of the Greek nation.

Dr. King's health was now much impaired, and required a change; and in July, 1864, he left Athens, with Mrs. King, and reached the United States in August, where they remained three years. Their return to Greece was in the autumn of 1867, and the missionary was happy to find some of his former pupils actively engaged in labors not very dissimilar to his own. Two were preachers of the Gospel; Mr. Kalopothakes, from the New York Union Theological Seminary, ordained by a Presbytery; and Mr. Constantine, from Amherst College and Andover Seminary, and ordained by a Congregational body. A third, Mr. Sakellarius, a printer, studied for a while in the Baptist Seminary at Newton, and had charge of the office of the "Star." All three had their Bible classes and Sunday-schools. Dr. King wisely avoided interfering by a separate service of his own. Sometime before his return, a mob, excited by the report that "Puritanism" was taught in these schools, nearly forced its way into the house of Dr. Kalopothakes; but an officer of the police passed at the moment, and arrested some of the ringleaders. The Cretan refugees were then there, and about twelve hundred of these were in their day and Sabbath-schools.

In April, 1868, a distinguished Professor in the University arranged for an interview between Dr. King and the President of the "Holy Synod." This man in 1863 signed the accusation against Dr. King, in consequence of which, after his return to Greece, he was a third time cited before the Criminal Court, though without any result. The interview was altogether pleasant, and was a striking illustration of the progress of public opinion. "A considerable degree of religious liberty has been gained," writes the missionary, "and a foundation has been laid, on which, I trust, will one day arise a beautiful superstructure."

Dr. King finished his course at Athens on the 22d of May, 1869, in the seventy-seventh year of his age.

The characteristics of this remarkable man are everywhere apparent in the preceding narrative. He was evidently designed by Providence to be a reformer; and though he lived not to witness anything that could be called a reformation among the Greek people, the battle he fought through so many years with the bigotry and intolerance of the Greek hierarchy, will be held in perpetual remembrance. A reformation has begun, and Dr. King, more than any other Protestant, was the instrument of Providence in bringing it about. To him is it owing, preëminently, that the Scriptures, since the year 1831, have been so extensively used in the schools, and that, in Greece, "the Word of God is not bound." It is not forgotten, that others labored with him, and not in vain; but it is mainly to the preaching of Dr. King, during his protracted residence in Greece, in connection with his persistent and triumphant struggle with the Greek hierarchy, that we owe, under God, the visible decline of prejudice against evangelical truth and religious liberty.

CHAPTER XIX.

THE NESTORIANS.

1841-1848.

Mr. and Mrs. Perkins, finding a sea voyage necessary for the recovery of her health, left Oroomiah July 5, 1841, and arrived at New York on the 11th of January, just in time to be present at the special meeting of the Board in that city. Their passage from Smyrna had been prolonged to one hundred and nine days, and much solicitude was felt for their safety. They were accompanied by Mar Yohannan, who desired so earnestly to see the new world, that he could not be dissuaded from coming. As the early friend and constant helper of the mission, and as representing one of the most interesting branches of the ancient Church of Christ, he was received by the Board and the religious community with Christian affection, and his visits to different parts of the country with Mr. Perkins were both pleasant and useful.

The number of pupils in the seminary at the close of 1841 was forty-six; there were also eighteen in the boarding-school for girls, and there were twenty free schools in as many villages, all taught by Nestorian priests. The free schools contained four hundred and seventy pupils, of whom forty were girls; making the whole number in the schools five hundred and sixteen. The press, during its first year, sent forth sixteen hundred volumes, and three thousand six hundred tracts, containing in all five hundred and ten thousand pages. Under the superintendence of Mr. Perkins, Mr. Homan Hallock cut and cast a new font of type, modeled on the best Syriac manuscripts. This was in the year 1841. Three years later, Mr. Breath, the printer at Oroomiah, with the help of a native assistant, cut and prepared two sets of type after the most approved forms of Syriac calligraphy. The natives pronounced these types perfect. The two sets resembled each other, the only difference being that in one the stroke was larger and the letter more open. Mr. Breath afterwards prepared a third set, of a medium size compared with the other two.

While the plain of Oroomiah is perhaps one of the most fertile and beautiful in the world, its luxuriant vegetation occasions fevers at certain seasons, and ophthalmia is prevalent. To escape fevers, the missionaries built dormitories on the tops of their flat-roofed houses. This preventive not being found sufficient, a health-station was formed in the elevated village of Seir, about six miles from Oroomiah, where dwellings were provided for two families, which were surrounded by a strong stone wall, to serve as a defense against any sudden incursion of the Koords.

Mr. and Mrs. Perkins and Mar Yohannan embarked at Boston on their return in March, 1843. They were accompanied by the Rev. David T. Stoddard and wife, and by Misses Catherine E. Myers and Fidelia Fiske, who went to promote the education of their own sex among the Nestorians. They reached Oroomiah on the 14th of June, and were received by the Nestorians with great manifestations of joy. Mr. Perkins, while at home, prepared for the press an octavo volume of five hundred pages, entitled "A Residence of Eight Years among the Nestorian Christians." It is in the form of a journal, is illustrated by a map and plates, and is a history of the mission during that time.

The ancient Syriac version of the Scriptures was held in such veneration by the people, that there were strong reasons for making it the basis of the proposed version in the modern language. The case was referred to the Prudential Committee, who decided that the only proper course was to translate from the original Hebrew and Greek, and the translation was made accordingly.

The female seminary at Oroomiah now came under the efficient superintendence of Miss Fiske, and soon assumed a very interesting religious character. The whole number under instruction in the two seminaries, and in the forty-four village free schools, was eleven hundred and forty-two. The call for preaching tasked the capacity of the mission. The missionaries were free to preach in the Nestorian churches, and generally found attentive congregations, and they were aided in the ministry of the word by five intelligent native preachers. Dr. Perkins thus speaks of a congregation at Ardishai: "The church was crowded to overflowing. It would have been difficult for half a dozen more to press themselves into it. Priest Abraham read the first chapter of the Epistle of James, which we expounded for more than an hour, to the great satisfaction of the people, who did not suppress their audible Amen, and ejaculatory comments of approbation. Priest Abraham spoke very appropriately and feelingly on the subject of temptations, applying it to his hearers, who are now so sorely beset by the Jesuits. That crowd of eager listeners presented a thrilling spectacle. I could not help thanking God for the privilege of addressing them on the things that pertain to their everlasting well being."

The efforts of the Jesuits among the Nestorians began in 1838. In 1842, they pushed their proselyting measures so recklessly among the Armenians of Ispahan and Tabriz, as to lead the Persian King, at the instance of the Russian Ambassador, to send them out of the kingdom. A "permanent order" was at the same time adopted, probably on Russian suggestion, growing out of repugnance to the political influence of the Jesuits, that no native Christian should be proselyted from one Christian sect to another. The French government, after some delay, sent an envoy to Persia to effect, if possible, the return of the Jesuits; but before his arrival, they had covertly made their way to Oroomiah, run another race of proselytism among the Nestorians, and been a second time expelled. The French agent therefore took cognizance of both expulsions, and gave the greater prominence to the more recent one, since it had just occurred, and was fresh in mind, and since the Jesuits were just then specially intent on adding the Nestorians to their sect. His demand, however, that they should have leave to return, was refused. He then required the expulsion of the American missionaries, as being obnoxious to the same law. The Russian Ambassador, whose protection the mission had enjoyed since the departure of the English embassy in 1839, denied that it was the object of the mission to proselyte in the sense contemplated by the law. The French envoy then demanded an investigation, and to this the Ambassador and the Persian government readily assented. Two Mohammedan meerzas were sent from Tabriz to Oroomiah to make the investigation. These fell under the papal influence at Oroomiah, and made a report so strongly prejudiced against the mission, that it was thought necessary to send a committee to the capital to counteract their misrepresentations. Messrs. Perkins and Stocking were sent accordingly. Riding rapidly on horseback, many hundred miles, over cold regions just as winter was setting in, and sleeping on the ground at night without beds, with other similar discomforts, seemed to them not the least trial of this undertaking. On their arrival at Teheran, the importance of their errand was very obvious. They found the report of the meerzas bearing manifest traces of Jesuit influence. It made but few tangible charges, yet contained many serious and unjust insinuations. They were able to meet it with satisfactory explanations, and thus the storm passed by, without inflicting the injury which the mission feared. I am not aware that the "permanent order" against proselyting ever proved any serious embarrassment to the mission. The banishment of the Jesuits had not been requested by the Nestorians, nor by the missionaries. The Russian Ambassador assumed the whole responsibility, saying that the business was his own, that he was authorized to protect the Christians in Persia, which could not be done while these papal disturbers remained in the country. An attempt by the Jesuits to wrest from the Nestorians one of their ancient and favorite churches, appears to have been the immediate cause of the decisive measures last mentioned. Of course these papal emissaries returned again, but with a somewhat diminished arrogance.1

1 Manuscript letter from Rev. Justin Perkins, D. D., dated Oroomiah, Persia, March 28, 1844.

There were also embarrassments of a serious nature within the Nestorian community. In the subjugation of the mountain Nestorians, while the Patriarch fled to Mosul, several of his brothers escaped to Oroomiah, and threw themselves on the hospitality of the mission, which of necessity fell short of their wishes. They demanded money of the mission, on the ground that they were the ecclesiastical heads of the people. In this they were unhappily countenanced by the Patriarch, upon whom an influence hostile to the mission had been successfully exerted; who wrote a letter, calling upon the ecclesiastics and people of Oroomiah to oppose the mission and its schools. The people, as a body, had sense enough to refuse obedience. In view of the attitude thus assumed by the patriarchal family, and the questionable conduct of some of the bishops, a thorough reconstruction of the school system was rendered necessary. The seminary for boys and the village schools were accordingly dismissed, and finally the female boarding-school under Miss Fiske. "When this last result was announced to the pupils," writes one of the mission, "there was a general burst of grief. Their tears and sobs told, more expressively than language, the bitterness of their hearts. Nor did they weep alone. And who would not weep at such a scene? Here were those, whom we had hoped to train up for immortal blessedness, about to be sent back to a darkness almost like that of heathenism. The stoutest Nestorians who were standing by were melted. After these tender lambs had been commended to the gracious Shepherd of Israel, they began to make their preparations for leaving us. The most trying thing was the parting, of the pupils from each other, and from those who had been to them as parents. They threw their arms around the neck of their teacher, and said again and again, 'We shall never more hear the words of God.'"

Nearly all the pupils of this seminary returned of their own accord, and after the hostility of the patriarchal family had become known to their parents. Miss Fiske was aided in the instruction by a pious Nestorian deacon. Besides the ordinary instruction, the pupils were taught several useful arts, of which their less favored mothers knew little or nothing; among which were knitting and sewing, and these branches many of the mothers were eager to learn from their children. Moreover they were taught industry, self-denial, benevolence, and the preciousness of time. The boys' seminary was reorganized in the following spring, under the superintendence of Mr. Stoddard; who received a number of promising boys into his family as an experiment, with the understanding that the pupils would reside wholly on the mission premises.

There was still enough of vacillation among the bishops, and of dissatisfaction among the Patriarch's brothers, to raise a question which the mission submitted to the judgment of the Prudential Committee, as to how far it was proper to employ the higher ecclesiastics on wages. The Committee approved of the course which had been pursued in relation to the four bishops on the plain of Oroomiah, Mar Yohannan, Mar Elias, Mar Joseph, and Mar Gabriel; but intimated, while deprecating sudden changes, that the services of the bishops, should they prove troublesome helpers, might be dispensed with gradually. What the Committee feared was, that putting them forward in a manner which had seemed proper in time past, might now give them too much control of the reformation that was believed not to be far off. The fundamental principle was, to pay only for services rendered, and for none more than their fair and true value. It was also recommended, that care be taken to preserve the independence of the mission; the evangelical character of its influence upon the people; its unquestioned right to prepare for the expected religious awakening; and when it came, to pursue the appropriate measures according to their own better informed judgments.

The mission to the Mohammedans of Persia, of which an account is given elsewhere, having been discontinued, the Rev. James L. Merrick and wife joined the Nestorian mission in 1842. In 1844, the health of Mrs. Merrick made it necessary for her to visit England, her native land. She was followed by her husband in the next year, and he, soon after his arrival at Boston, was released from his connection with the Board. Mr. Jones retired from the mission in 1844.

John and Moses, two young Nestorians of hopeful piety, were ordained deacons by Mar Elias and Mar Yohannan. John was a native of Geog Tapa, the largest Nestorian village in the province, and one which always took the lead, whether for good or for evil. Abraham, the well-known priest, and the two newly ordained preachers, divided the village into districts for visiting and preaching. Mr. Stocking, and after him Dr. Perkins, found there abundant evidence of unusual religious interest. Scores of persons called on the native preachers almost every evening, after the toils of the day, and many lingered to a late hour. There were cases of special interest, and none but a skeptic could doubt the presence and power of the Holy Spirit.

In May, 1845, the Shah, at the instance of the English and Russian Ambassadors, appointed Dawood Khan, of Tabriz, an Armenian from Georgia and an officer of the army, Governor of the Nestorians. The object was to protect the Christians from the oppressions they had long suffered from the Moslem nobles residing in the district.

We have now entered on an auspicious period in the history of the mission. Geog Tapa became the radiant centre of spiritual life. The preceding year had been one of apprehension, but the brethren now learned not to despond every time the heavens gathered blackness, for in the darkest hour the sun may break forth and change the whole scene. We have come to the beginning of that series of revivals, with which the mission was so remarkably blessed.

The first revival was in the year 1846, and the first hopeful conversions were in the female seminary in January. Both seminaries were moved. A number in each came to their teachers with the inquiry, "What shall I do to be saved?" The religious concern rapidly increased. The 23d of January was set apart by the mission as a day for private fasting and prayer. On the preceding evening, as the people were assembling for a religious service, Mr. Stoddard observed signs of deep feeling in different groups, and was convinced that a revival had begun. After service, the people came in crowds to his study, and he, with unutterable delight, unfolded the Gospel of Christ to one company after another, until near midnight. On the 25th, Tamo, a deacon from the mountains, was overwhelmed with a sense of his sinfulness. At the same meeting, priest Eshoo sat with his face buried in his handkerchief, and when spoken to wept, but said nothing. On the day following, he led the devotions in the male seminary, in a prayer so humble and earnest, so in contrast with his former sing-song tone and thoughtless manner, that Mr. Stoddard could not refrain from tears. He had evidently learned how to pray, and his knowledge, his stable character, and his important position would enable him, if truly converted, to do much good among his people. Though every room about the premises, that could possibly be spared from other uses, had been opened for retirement, so numerous were the awakened that they could not find places in which to pour out their souls to God. Such was the natural excitability of the people, that it was difficult to keep their expressions of feeling within proper bounds. On the 26th, deacon John came to Mr. Stoddard, saying that the boys were weeping violently in one of their rooms, and desired that he would go to them. John added, that he had been looking at them with amazement, having never before seen anything of the kind, and he knew not what to do. Mr. Stoddard entered the room with Dr. Wright, and they found fifteen or twenty boys lying on the floor, weeping, groaning, and in broken sentences praying for mercy, presenting a scene of great confusion. Some older people were standing around in silent wonder, thinking that an angel had visited the school. Measures were immediately taken for checking this disorder. The pupils all promised that no two of them would again pray aloud at the same time. The school was still the next day, but with no diminution of solemnity.

Miss Fiske had often ten or fifteen women, relatives of her pupils, to pass the night with her, making it necessary to collect together all the spare pillows, cushions, and quilts in the house, and make the sitting-room one great dormitory. She frequently conversed with them till midnight, and then she heard them from her room, praying most of the night.

Priest Eshoo called his neighbors together, and told them of the great change in his feelings. So upright had he been as a priest, that a confession of his need of salvation through the blood of Christ made a strong impression. It became more and more evident that he was truly a child of God. On the 5th of February, he announced his great joy that his oldest daughter, a member of Miss Fiske's school, was hopefully born again, and he thought she knew the way to the cross better than himself.

The name of this daughter was Sarah. She was the first in the revival to ask the way to heaven, the first to find the way, and the first to enter it. Sarah was a tall, dark-eyed girl ten years old when she entered the school. There were then but few books in the school except the Bible, and she became very familiar with its pages. She first learned that she was a sinner in January, 1846, and she lived only five months after that time. Her father loved to have her pray with him, and so remarkable was her Christian experience, that Mr. Stocking had great pleasure and profit in conversing with her. Miss Fiske also felt it to be a delightful privilege to watch over her as she was nearing heaven. They would sit for an hour at a time, and talk of the home of the blest, while Sarah would sing, "It will be good to be there." She had a rare anxiety to be the means of saving souls. The girls, and the women too, loved to have her tell them "the way, for" as they said, "we can see it when she tells us." Her health was not good at the time of her conversion, and as early as March the sentence of death was visible on her countenance. But she clung to her school till May, and continued to attend the meetings, even when it was necessary for some one to aid her in reaching the chapel. The "Dairyman's Daughter" was a favorite book with the girls of the school, and young disciples were sometimes heard to say, as Sarah took her seat in the house of God, "Have we not an Elizabeth Wallbridge among us?" She lingered till June, and was often found with her open Bible and several women by her side, whom she was leading to Christ. Her praying companions often had meetings in her room. Her last words were, "Lord Jesus, receive——" Here her voice ceased.1

1 Life of Fidelia Fiske, p. 173.

On the 13th of February, Deacon Isaac,—one of the Patriarch's brothers, and to a considerable extent his representative in the district, respected moreover among the people for his force of character, as well as for his official station,—made Mr. Stoddard a visit. His manner showed that he wished to converse on the subject of religion, and Mr. Stoddard commenced by asking him, if he rejoiced in what the Lord was doing for his people. He replied, "None but Satan can help rejoicing. I do certainly rejoice. But I am like a man that stands on the shore of a lake, and seeing a beautiful country on the other side is gladdened by the prospect, but has no means of reaching that country himself. Would that I were a child, that I might repent too! But no, it cannot be. My heart is ice. There is no such sinner among the people as I am. I do not believe it is possible for me to be saved." He was reminded of the freeness of Christ's love, and his willingness to receive the vilest sinner that will come to him. After some hesitation, he admitted that it was so. "But," said he, "the great obstacle is myself. My heart is perfectly dead. You may cut and thrust me with a sword, but I am insensible to the stroke. And if you kindly pour ointment on my wounds, it is all the same. I choose sin. I love sin. The wild beasts in the mountains are enticed by the hunters, and seize the bait, not knowing what they do. But I take this world with my eyes open, knowing that I am choosing destruction, and eating death. It is a shame for me to remain in such a miserable condition, while these boys are weeping over their sins, and I am ashamed. But such is the fact, and I expect to die as I have lived, and go to hell." He seemed to speak with sincerity, and Mr. Stoddard learned that he conversed with his people in a similar manner.

On the 16th of February, Mr. Stocking went to Geog Tapa, accompanied by Miss Fiske and John. Miss Fiske found herself surrounded by a company of females at the house of priest Abraham; and again, at the close of a meeting in the church, about fifty of the women present met her in the school-room, for conversation and prayer. A considerable number of them were evidently awakened, and a few gave evidence of real conversion. Yet there were opposers at Geog Tapa, who said, "Why all this ado? Must all we have done for salvation go for nothing? Have all our fathers gone to hell?"

Several of the converts in the seminary for boys having rooms near Mr. Stoddard's study, he could hear their voices from morning till night, as they pleaded in prayer, and their petitions came evidently from the depths of the soul. Their natural love for vivid metaphor, combined with much ardor, gave great vividness to their prayers. They begged that the dog might have a single crumb from the table of his master; at another time, they were smiting their breasts by the side of the publican; at another, they were prodigals, hungry, naked, and far from their father's house; again, they sink in the sea, and cry out, "Lord save me, I perish;" again, poor, diseased, outcast lepers, they came to the great Physician for a cure. Those who had given themselves to Christ, now built their house on the Rock of Ages, while the waters were roaring around them; now they washed the feet of their Redeemer with tears, and wiped them with the hairs of their head; and now, having become soldiers of the cross, they planted the blood-stained banner in the inner citadel of their souls.

Before the end of May, the boys' seminary was removed to Seir, to obviate the necessity of a long vacation, which might be injurious to the pupils in their peculiar state of feeling. Mr. Stoddard was often delighted, in walking about the mountains, to find pupils praying in secluded spots. A Mussulman once fell in with a pupil thus engaged, and having never before seen a Nestorian praying in secret, he stopped in silent wonder. The young man, on being asked what he was doing, commenced teaching the Mussulman how to pray, and so deeply interested him, that they kneeled down together, and the prayer was renewed in the Turkish language, that it might be intelligible to the stranger.

The estimated number of converts in the two seminaries, at the close of 1846, was fifty. The general aspect of Geog Tapa, containing a population of about a thousand, was much changed. Almost every one who had come to years of discretion, gave good attention to the preaching of the Gospel, and as many as fifty seemed to be true disciples. Cases of hopeful conversion were found in eight or ten other villages on the plain. Nor was the awakening restricted to the plain. Of one hundred and fifty hopeful converts, twelve were at Hakkie, and ten at Gawar, fifty miles further west, and both mountain villages.

An edition of the New Testament, with the ancient and modern Syriac in parallel columns, was printed near the close of 1846. The value to the Nestorians of having the Scriptures in their spoken language, cannot be estimated. The translation was made by Dr. Perkins from the original Greek, and the type was that made by Mr. Breath. Dr. Perkins entered at once upon a translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew. Among the books that had been recently printed, was a new and enlarged edition of the Nestorian Hymn-book. The hymns were sung in all the social religious meetings of the Nestorians, and in some of their churches, and with most happy effect. The sentiments of the hymns, and much of their language, entered largely into the prayers of the people. The hymns were also committed to memory by not a few, who were unable to read.

Ill health obliged Mr. and Mrs. Holladay to visit their native land in the spring of this year, and they were not able to resume their connection with the mission. The Rev. Joseph G. Cochran and wife, and Miss Mary Susan Rice, embarked for Oroomiah in June, 1847.

The cholera, in its progress from the east, reached the plain of Oroomiah in the autumn of 1846, and about two thousand persons died in the city. An interesting account of the pestilence by Dr. Wright, as it came under his observation, may be found in the "Missionary Herald" for 1847.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1847, pp. 154-157.

Among the noticeable occurrences of the year 1847, was the visit of Dr. Wright, to Bader Khan Bey, on the same errand which took Dr. Grant to him three years before. The request came through Nûrûllah Bey and the governor of Oroomiah, and the mission advised him to go, as such a visit might open the way for the Gospel into the mountains. Mr. Breath was requested to accompany him. They took with them deacon Tamo, who was a subject of the recent revival, and deacon Yoosuph, an assistant in the medical department. Leaving Oroomiah on the 4th of May, they reached Julamerk, the home of Nûrûllah Bey, in five days; and in his absence, were cordially welcomed by his nephew, Suleiman Bey, and other relatives. They were detained there thirteen days by a report, that the mountains beyond were covered with snow. The Emir was at home the last three days, and soon became familiar and kind. Two days from Julamerk, they were refreshed by a bath in a hot sulphur spring, admirably suited for the purpose. Four days more brought them to the residence of Bader Khan Bey. There had been a wonderful change in the mountains since Dr. Grant's first entrance. Our travellers crossed the wild central regions of Koordistan with no fear of robbers. The principal reason for this was doubtless the character and energy of Bader Khan Bey's government; which extended from the Persian line to Mesopotamia, and from the neighborhood of Diarbekir to that of Mosul. Nearly all the chiefs in northern Koordistan came to pay their respects to him while the missionaries were there, bringing valuable presents. Even the Hakkary Bey, though higher in rank, and once more powerful than he, seemed to feel himself honored in his presence. In the wildest parts of Koordistan, our travellers often slept in the open air, their horses let loose to graze around them during the night, and their luggage without a guard; yet nothing was stolen. In most parts of Turkey and Persia, such a course would not have been safe.

They spent four weeks with the chief. During the last two, the Hakkary chief was there also, and the demeanor of both was kind and respectful from first to last. Dr. Wright was every day engaged professionally among the sick in the Khan's family and retinue. He also introduced the vaccine matter, of which they had never heard before. Nûrûllah Bey was unwilling, for some reason, that they should return through Tiary and Tehoma. They therefore took a northern route by Bashkallah, a fortress about thirty miles northeast of Julamerk, and reached Oroomiah, July 3, after an absence of two months.

The Nestorians within the range of their observations manifested simplicity and readiness to receive instruction, but were in danger from the inroads of Rome.

It appears to have been the intention of the Turkish government in 1847, doubtless through the influence of the English Ambassador at Constantinople, to restore the Nestorian Patriarch to his native regions, and constitute him the civil head of his people; and while at Mosul, he was invited to the seat of government for that purpose. Distrusting the motives of the Porte, he fled to Oroomiah, where he arrived in June. It was a kind Providence that delayed his coming until there were no longer grounds for dissatisfaction arising from members of his family being in the employ of the mission. There were indeed ill disposed Nestorians, who were always ready to fill the ears of the Patriarch with insinuations against the mission. Among these were two of his own brothers, the least respectable portion of his family. But there were others who were watchful to correct misrepresentations, and to give him right views of the results of the mission, and of its doctrines. Among these were two of his brothers, deacon Isaac and deacon Dunka, whom he held in high esteem.

"These brothers," writes Mr. Stocking in July, 1847, "have appeared truly friendly for two years, and disposed, to the full extent of their influence, to aid us in our work. Both have been regular attendants on our preaching; and, though not pious, they maintain decidedly evangelical views in regard to the doctrines of grace. Deacon Isaac especially, one of the most talented of the Nestorians, is always ready, before the Patriarch and all others, boldly to advocate the doctrine of justification by faith through grace alone. He has studied critically, and appears to understand, as well as an unconverted man can, the book of Romans; without the study of which, he has been heard to remark, no one can understand what Christianity really is. We have been interested to learn, through our native helpers, that these brothers have voluntarily acted in concert, one or both never failing to be with the Patriarch whenever there was any one present to assail us and our work, ready to confront them to their faces, and repel all false charges."

The Patriarch received priests Eshoo, Dunka, Abraham, and John, who called to obtain his coöperation, with apparent cordiality, and gave his full consent to their preaching in all the dioceses. He told them that his letter from Mosul, forbidding preaching and schools, was written through the importunity of Mr. Rassam. He spent a month at Seir, where he had much friendly intercourse with the missionaries. He even invited Dr. Perkins to preach in his tent, and Messrs. Wright and Stoddard led in prayer, before and after the sermon, while the Patriarch himself pronounced the benediction at the close. The hymns sung on this occasion were from the new Nestorian Hymnbook.

The Patriarch's friendly deportment continued till some time in April, 1848, when he threw off the mask, if he had worn one, and took the stand of open and decided opposition. This was not wholly unexpected, and while it was matter for regret, it did not occasion much alarm. His power to do harm had been greatly circumscribed by the providential embarrassments of his civil and ecclesiastical relations; by the extensive prevalence of evangelical truth among the Nestorians; by their friendliness, and the good will of the Persian government towards the mission; and by the number, standing, and influence of the religious among his people. His first unfriendly act he concealed from our brethren, but it was made known to them by the British Consul at Tabriz. It was a formal communication to the Russian Consul at that place, designed to prejudice him against the American missionaries, of whom his Embassy was the nominal protector. The Consul made no response to this. The first open attack was on the seminary under the care of Mr. Stoddard. The Patriarch next endeavored to withdraw the native assistants from the missionaries; at one time calling into exercise all his powers of persuasion, and at another uttering the severest threats. Though his people were deriving great advantages, in many ways, from the educational system introduced by the mission, he recklessly determined to deprive them of it, without providing anything to supply its place. He ordered the leading men of Geog Tapa to break up the schools in that village, and received a respectful but decided refusal. The priest of Charbush was ordered to suspend his school, but declined. The Patriarch came to that village soon after, and his servants, meeting the priest in the street, beat him severely and wounded him. Those same servants returning to the city intoxicated, entered the mission premises, and fell to beating Mar Yohannan and his brother Joseph, and priest Dunka, who happened to be sitting within the gate. The Governor at once interfered. At that juncture, an order arrived from the Heir Apparent, the ruler of Azerbijan, directing the Mohammedan authorities to allow no one to molest the missionaries, or any one in their employment. In September, the Patriarch sought the intervention of the chief Doctor of the Mohammedan law against the mission. It so happened that the missionaries were paying their respects to the Moolah, at the very time when the Patriarch called, with a large retinue of Nestorians, on this business. The Moslem doctor made him a public and mortifying reply: "These gentlemen," he said, "are peaceable men; the Mohammedans respect them, and are pleased with them. Why are you falling out with them? You, who are Christians, ought to respect them even more than the Mohammedans." For a time the Patriarch and the Jesuits, both aiming at the overthrow of the mission, were in practical combination. As a necessary means to this end, both wished to expel from office Dawood Khan, the Christian Governor and civil protector of the Nestorians of that province; and the Mohammedan nobles were in sympathy with them in this, as that dignitary stood in the way of their exactions.

But this political alliance, though at first promising success both to the Patriarch and the Jesuits, in the end led to the signal overthrow of both. It was stated to the mission by Mr. Stevens, the English Consul, as a well ascertained fact, that Mar Shimon had united his interests with the French Jesuits, and that they had strong hope of making use of him to cast their net over his people.1 Up to this time, the mission had not applied to any European functionary for interference in their troubles with Mar Shimon. Nor did they now; but Mr. Stevens, hearing of his persecuting course, took up the matter of his own accord, gave the information as above stated, and befriended the missionaries in various ways. The Patriarch having declared, that he had the countenance and support of the Russian Consul, that official wrote sharply rebuked him for so doing. The four bishops of Oroomiah and nearly all the priests and deacons, with many of the leading Nestorians in the province, now united in a representation to the Persian Government, highly commending the character, objects, and labors of the mission. It is recorded, that the converted Nestorians also, with scarce an exception, stood firmly by the mission, in the face of trials and reproaches; and the same was true of many who made no pretensions to piety.

1 Missionary Herald, 1849, p. 30.

News of the death of the King arrived at Oroomiah on the 14th of September. He was succeeded by his eldest son, a young man of twenty years, who for the last year had been Prince Governor of Azerbijan. In Persia, the death of the King interrupts for a time the regular transaction of public business.

An immediate effect of the news was to displace the Governor of Oroomiah, Yahyah Khan, with whom Mar Shimon had been forming an alliance, to strengthen him in his persecutions.

Through the friendly, but unsolicited agency of the English Consul, five of the most prominent of Mar Shimon's coadjutors were put under heavy bonds in no way to aid or abet him again in similar proceedings. Should they violate their written engagements to the authorities, they would expose themselves to severe corporal punishment and heavy fines.

Another requisition from the government was, that the two servants who had entered the mission premises, and beaten and insulted several of the ecclesiastics, should be taken to that same inclosure, and be bastinadoed to the satisfaction of the mission. Only one of the two could be found. He was brought thither, and laid upon the pavement with his feet tied to a pole, and a large bunch of rods by his side; and the missionaries were requested to come and see that due punishment was inflicted. But they, greatly to the satisfaction of the crowd of Nestorians who had assembled to witness the punishment, complied with the earnest entreaties of the culprit to excuse the crime he had committed, and he was at once released.

The repeated mention of Suleiman Bey's friendly attentions to Dr. Grant, must have interested the reader in his behalf. But we are now obliged to place him among the persecutors of the Lord's people. Tamo was teacher in the male seminary for about ten years, and became hopefully pious in the revival of 1846. He accompanied Dr. Wright and Mr. Breath in their visit to Bader Khan. His family resided in the mountain district of Gawar, within the limits of Turkey. Being fleet, athletic, and capable of great endurance, he was well fitted for a mountain evangelist. After an extended preaching tour in the summer of 1848, he spent some time at his mountain home. The Bishop of Gawar had received a charge from Mar Shimon to ruin him, and made complaint against him to Suleiman Bey. He was seized by that chief, heavily fined, and his life threatened. But Suleiman Bey was taken, meanwhile, a prisoner by the Turks. Afterwards, Tamo, while on his return to Oroomiah with two of his brothers and a nephew, all members of the seminary, was attacked in the night by a party of ruffian Koords, also incited by the Patriarch, who beat all the company with clubs, and called to each other to "kill them." Friendly Koords came to their rescue, but not until they had been stripped of nearly all their clothing and suffered cruelly from the hands of the barbarians.

In the year 1848, Bader Khan Bey, failing in one of his favorite night attacks on the Turkish army, was taken prisoner in his own castle of Dergooleh, and placed, as such, on one of the islands of the Grecian Archipelago.

Nûrûllah Bey, also, some time in 1849, was driven from his stronghold at Julamerk, and fled from castle to castle, till he also was taken captive by the Turks, whom he had aided to destroy the Nestorians, and went into captivity, far from the scenes of his former power. Suleiman Bey, as already stated, was taken captive while cruelly persecuting deacon Tamo, and died at Erzroom, while on his way to Constantinople.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1850, p. 96.

CHAPTER XX.

THE NESTORIANS.

1848-1852.

The health of Mr. Stoddard became so prostrated, early in the summer of 1848, as to leave no hope of his recovery without a change of climate. At Trebizond, on his way home, he and his family were subjected to a quarantine of eight days. His wife and children were then in good health, and they had no reason to apprehend cholera there, as it passed beyond that place westward. But it returned, and Mrs. Stoddard was one of its victims. The death of this excellent woman was a grievous loss, not only to her husband and infant children, but to the mission. The nurse also sickened of the same disease, while on the voyage to Constantinople, and died soon after her arrival; and it was a remarkable Providence that spared the enfeebled and overtasked husband and father. But he lived to serve Christ in his native land, and afterwards again among the Nestorians. The Rev. George W. Coan and wife joined the mission in the autumn of 1849.

Mr. Cochran succeeded Mr. Stoddard in charge of the male seminary. Twelve had gone from the institution, and most of them were exerting a good Christian influence. The new scholars, as a consequence of these village schools, were older and more advanced than their predecessors had been. The thirty-two schools contained five hundred and ninety-eight pupils, of whom one hundred and twenty-five were girls. Twelve of the teachers were priests, and about half of them would have been welcomed into New England churches. The female seminary, a most valuable institution, was under the care of Misses Fiske and Rice.

Mar Shimon returned to the mountains early in 1849, though not without apprehension of being sent into exile, as the Koordish chieftains had been.

Hearing that the good seed sown by Dr. Grant and his associates at Mosul was giving promise of a harvest, the mission deemed it expedient for Dr. Perkins and Mr. Stocking to visit that city, preaching the Gospel as they went. Mar Yohannan and deacons Isaac and Tamo went with them.1 They were hospitably entertained by Mr. Rassam, the English Consul at Mosul, during the eleven days of their visit. Many of the Mosulians were thought to have come under evangelical influences. Some of them were much enlightened, and a few were regarded as truly pious. All would gladly have welcomed a Protestant missionary to reside among them. These were chiefly Jacobites, but a few were Papists. The mountain districts were found to be accessible to the Gospel; though everywhere they heard of messengers and letters from the Patriarch, warning the people against them as deceivers, and particularly against deacon Isaac, his brother, who, he said, had become "English." Nevertheless they were treated in all places with kindness, and found attentive listeners to their preaching.

1 For a full account of this tour by Dr. Perkins, see Missionary Herald for 1850, pp. 53-61, and 83-97.

The first revival of religion, already described, was in 1846; the second was in 1849; and there was a third in 1850. The severe trials of the years 1847 and 1848 seem to have produced in the mission a subdued feeling, and unusual earnestness in prayer. This resulted in the revival of 1849.

In the seminary for boys, the converts of the previous revival were, for two or three days after this began, the subjects of intense heart-searchings, and of piercing compunctions for their backslidings. This was not less true of the more devoted Christians, than of others. The irreligious members of the seminary were also deeply moved; and there was a similar experience in the girls' seminary. Geog Tapa again shared largely in the spiritual blessings of a revived religious feeling. In the village of Seir, hardly a person was unaffected. In Degala, Charbush, Ardeshai, and other places, there were large and attentive congregations, and many gave delightful evidence of having passed from death unto life. A vacation occurred in the male seminary, and pious students labored with great zeal and success in the houses of the people. Deacon Isaac had been known for many years as an evangelical man and a friend of the mission, but now he gave good evidence of conversion, and the pious natives beheld the change in him with wonder and thanksgiving. Mar Yohannan had never before given satisfactory evidence of a thorough change of heart. He now made full confession of his sins as a man, and of his unfaithfulness as a bishop. The revival was marked by a deep sense of the lost condition of men by nature, by a vivid sense of the evil of sin, by an intelligent and cordial embrace of salvation as the gift of sovereign grace, by a hearty self-consecration to the service of Christ, by earnest desires for the salvation of others, and by a remarkable quickening of the moral and intellectual powers.

One of the most noted among the native evangelists at this time, was deacon Guwergis of Tergawar. Before conversion in 1846, he was as wild and wicked as a Koord. In the autumn of 1845, he brought his eldest daughter, then twelve years of age, to Oroomiah, and begged Miss Fiske to receive her into the seminary. She consented reluctantly, being painfully impressed by the gross avarice and selfishness of the father, who even asked permission to take away with him the clothes she had on. He came again in February, with his belt of ammunition, his dagger at his side, and his gun thrown over his shoulder. Many of the pupils were then weeping over their sins, among them his own daughter, and the teacher felt that the wolf had come into the fold. Guwergis ridiculed the anxiety of the girls for their souls till his daughter, distressed by his conduct, asked him to go alone with her to pray. He went and repeated his form in ancient Syriac, while she, in her native tongue, poured forth her soul in earnest prayer, first for herself, and then for her father. When he heard her say, "Save, O save my father, going down to destruction," as he afterwards confessed, he raised his hand to strike her. Sabbath morning found him toiling to prevent others from coming to Christ. At noon, Miss Fiske went to his room, and was received with sullen rudeness, but he broke down under her affectionate and faithful appeals, and retired to pray. He soon entered the place of worship. His gun and his dagger had been laid aside, and he sank into the nearest seat, and laid his head upon the desk. That night Mr. Stocking took him to his study, and the recent blasphemer cried out in agony, "My sins, my sins, they are higher than the mountains of Jeloo!" Next morning, Mr. Stoddard found him subdued and humbled. All Guwergis could say was, "My great sins, my great Saviour." Before noon, he left for his mountain home, saying, as he left, "I must tell my friends and neighbors of sin and of Jesus."

Nothing was heard from him for two weeks, when priest Eshoo was sent to his village to look after him, and found him in his own house, surrounded by his friends, and discoursing to them on these very topics,—of sin and of Jesus. The deacon accompanied priest Eshoo to Oroomiah, and his relations of Christian fellowship with the members of the mission were at once firmly and forever established.1 His conversion and his self-consecration to the service of the Lord Jesus were entire. He became known as the "mountain evangelist," and was faithful unto death. He rested from his labors on the 12th of March, 1856.

1 Woman and her Saviour in Persia, pp. 87-93.

The revival scenes of 1849, were renewed in the first month of 1850. The awakening commenced on the same day in each of the seminaries, without any communication between them, though they were six miles apart. The first manifestation of deep feeling in the male seminary, was at the evening prayer-meeting. While deacon Tamo was speaking of the need of preparation for death, the school gave signs of deep feeling. The emotion was increased when Dr. Perkins came in, and took up the same strain, until the weeping became so loud and general that he feared the result of further excitement, and requested the pupils to repair to their closets. There were similar indications the next morning.

The strength of feeling was as intense in the girls' school, but was manifested in a different manner. The devout among them were disposed to spend much time in prayer, while at the same time they were very active in efforts for the conversion of their associates, as well as of the members of their families that visited the school. For two months, until the close of the term, there was no diminution of interest. The regular attendance on preaching at Oroomiah, Seir, Degala, Geog Tapa, and Ardishai, was greater than ever before. The same may be said of numerous other villages, where meetings were occasionally held. Divine truth seemed to reach and affect the mass of the people. Geog Tapa was specially favored. The people were affected, not as in former years with the overwhelming convictions of the law, but with a deep and intelligent persuasion of the claims of truth.

Perhaps the most distinguished among the Nestorian laborers, at this time, next to priest Abraham, was deacon John. He is described as unwearied in the work, often preaching three times a day during the week, and performing other arduous labors. The missionaries admired the grace of God, as developed in his active piety, discreet zeal, and indomitable perseverance.1

1 Mr. Stocking gives the following description of the study of deacon John at that time. "His study is a small chamber about five feet by eight, entered by a ladder, built of mud, and plastered on the inside with the same material mixed with straw. It has two small windows covered with paper instead of glass, to let in the light. On the floor is a coarse woolen rug, but as yet no chair. His library is neatly arranged on a high shelf, reaching from one side to the other, and protected from the loose earth and dust of the roof by a paper ceiling. It consists of a copy of the Syriac, the Hebrew, and the English Bibles, the Comprehensive Commentary, the Scripture Manual, a Dictionary, and a few other choice books, lent or given him by friends. Through these books and his knowledge of the English language, he derives much assistance in preparation for his pastoral duties. When his friends in the village heard that a table was needed to complete the furniture, they made at once a voluntary contribution to procure one. This is the first study of the first Nestorian pastor, and is likely to introduce a new idea into the minds of Nestorian ecclesiastics in regard to their appropriate calling."

Among the interesting converts was deacon Jeremiah, who came with Messrs. Perkins and Stocking from Mosul. He was formerly in a papal monastery near Elkoosh. Becoming disgusted with the abominations of the place, he at last, after many attempts, effected his escape. His convictions of sin were very deep, and seemed to result in his full consecration to the service of Christ. He returned to Mosul on the reëstablishment of a mission in that city.

The year 1850 was one of great activity. Deacon Jeremiah visited
Bootan in the spring, at the invitation of some of the leading
Nestorians in that region.1 Yonan and Khamis, native helpers, made a
preaching tour through a part of Koordistan.2 Deacons Syad and
Mosheil encountered many hardships and dangers in a visit to
Bootan.3 In July, Messrs. Wright and Cochran accompanied by deacons
John, Tamo, and Guwergis, made a tour in the mountains by way of
Bashkallah, Kochanis, Julamerk, and Asheta.4 Messrs. Perkins,
Stocking and Coan, went in the autumn to Gawar and beyond, and the
results were interesting and satisfactory.5

1 Missionary Herald, 1851, p. 90.

2 Ibid. 1851, pp. 91-97.

3 Ibid. 1851, p. 139.

4 Ibid. 1851, pp. 54-58.

5 Ibid. 1851, pp. 61-63.

The mission was much strengthened in the year 1851, by the return of Mr. Stoddard, accompanied by Mrs. Stoddard, and by the accession of the Rev. Samuel A. Rhea. In this year, through the efforts of Mr. Stevens, British Consul at Tabriz, and Colonel Shiel the Ambassador, the Persian government promulgated an edict of toleration, granting equal protection to all its Christian subjects, including the right of proselyting, following in this the example of Turkey. The mission was now received again under British protection, and the Persian government notified the authorities at Oroomiah of the change.

The advance of public sentiment in respect to the education of women, is worthy of special notice. Only a few years had elapsed since it was deemed disgraceful to instruct that sex. Now, an examination of the female seminary drew together all the principal men and women of the Nestorian community, who listened with unwearied interest for two days. The examinations of both seminaries were highly satisfactory, Mar Yohannan, who had been present on similar occasions at colleges in the United States, and had desired to see the same things in his own country, was greatly delighted. Mr. Stoddard doubted whether he had ever attended an examination of greater excellence than that of the seminary for girls. "The pupils," he says, "were thoroughly acquainted with all their secular studies, and their familiarity with the Scriptures was truly wonderful." Three-fourths of the forty in the male seminary were also in the school of Christ, and there was the same prevalence of piety in the female seminary. Dr. Perkins regarded the latter school as unsurpassed by any in America in system, studiousness, good conduct, and rapid improvement.

The fifty-eight village schools contained a thousand and twenty-three pupils, and were generally under evangelical teachers. On the Sabbath, these schools took the form of Sabbath-schools, and many of the parents came in to hear their children, or to take part with them. The Sabbath-school in Geog Tapa numbered more than two hundred. Every school was a place for preaching, and when there was no one to preach, a meeting was sustained by the teacher. An increasing interest was felt by the Nestorians in the monthly concert of prayer for the conversion of the world. At Geog Tapa three or four hundred were present at the concert, and they joined contributions with their prayers.

The labors of the mission were widely extended. Mr. Cochran and deacon Moses preached in villages along the southern border of Oroomiah, and found the people there eager to hear the word of life. Messrs. Stocking and Coan, and Misses Fiske and Rice, with several native helpers, spent a month in Gawar, preparing the way for a station there. That place is seventy miles from Oroomiah, and within the Turkish dominions.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1852, p. 67.

Mr. Coan went from here with some Nestorian helpers through the mountains beyond Tiary, till their way was hedged up by hostile Koords. They met with great encouragement in their proclamation of the gospel.1 Mention has been made of the preaching of deacons Syad and Mosheil in Bootan, in the summer of 1850. The next winter was spent by deacons Murad Khan and Mosheil in the same region; and their journal affords evidence of singular talent for the labors of an evangelist. They were gone six months.2

1 Ibid. 1852, p. 71.

2 Missionary Herald, 1852, pp. 257-262.

Among the native helpers, who accompanied Mr. Stocking to Gawar, was deacon Isaac. After spending a few days with Mr. Stocking, he proceeded to Kochanis, the residence of his brother, whither his family had previously gone on a visit. The influence of this deacon and his amiable wife was the probable cause of the unusual conduct of the Patriarch in a visit he shortly afterwards made to Gawar, when he received the missionary and his native helpers with the greatest apparent cordiality in the presence of a large number of ecclesiastics, and charged the people to see that they were treated with the regard due to good men.

This was in the summer of 1851. The station was commenced by Messrs. Coan and Rhea in the autumn of that year. The plain of Gawar is large and beautiful, and is hemmed in by some of the wildest of the Koordish mountains. The village of Memikan, selected for the station, lay on the southwest base of the great Jeloo mountains. That village was preferred to the larger ones, as having received much religious instruction from deacon Tamo. It was also central. The rigors of a severe climate cut them off three mouths from communication with the plain of Oroomiah, and these rigors were to be encountered in native huts. But they enjoyed comfortable health, and were happy and successful in their work. The Bishop of Gawar sent orders to the villagers not to attend their services, nor to send children to their schools; but the order produced only a momentary effect. Mrs. Coan had a school for the mothers and daughters of the village, who came barefooted through the snow day after day, the mothers bringing their children on their backs. All the young men and all the boys of suitable age learned to read the gospel, and the fathers came to the school-room every Saturday, to listen while the scholars were learning their Sabbath-school lessons. Thirty or forty were accustomed to assemble every night to hear the Word of God expounded, and all attended on the services of the Sabbath. Deacon Tamo preached in the surrounding villages. Though threatened at times, he encountered no active opposition.

The year was distinguished by the death of a youth of seventeen years of age, of whom Dr. Perkins speaks as being a remarkable instance of the triumph of faith. His name was Guwergis. He was a nephew of deacon Tamo, and a member of the seminary. Guwergis came a rude mountain boy from Memikan, and was one of the converts of 1849. His convictions of sin were pungent, and his interest in the welfare of souls was engrossing. His prayerfulness was unequaled. During the period of greatest interest in the revivals, he would occasionally pray for nearly the whole night. Quite frequently he would rise at midnight, and repair to his cold and dark closet, which he ever found warm with a Saviour's love, and radiant with his presence. He was often known to spend two hours in prayer, and as might be supposed, in this exercise he soon excelled many of his superiors.

His sickness was very severe. Mr. Coan, after relating an interesting conversation with the dying youth, speaks of him in the following manner: "He then closed his eyes, and offered one of the most touching prayers I ever heard. It were vain for me to attempt repeating it. He began by expressing a desire to die, and be with Christ; but he checked himself by saying, 'Not my will, but thine be done.' He then proceeded in a most humble and penitent strain, to speak of his own vileness, and to adore the sovereign love of God in calling him to be an heir of his grace.

"His humble confession of sin, his strong confidence in the efficacy of the atonement, even for him sinful as he was, his entire renunciation of all dependence on anything save the grace of God in Christ, were deeply affecting. He ceased, and on opening his eyes he saw us weeping. 'Why do you weep?' said he. 'If it is the will of God that I die, my heart is burning to see Christ in his glory.' Surely, this is far more than a return for all that has been expended by the Church in the work of missions."

"I have been happy during his sickness," wrote Dr. Perkins, "to try to alleviate his bodily pains; but I have also been greatly refreshed in spirit; and I have been instructed and comforted in watching the remarkable exercises of his mind, and the ardent longing of his soul after Christ and heaven. Since the death of Mrs. Grant, more than twelve years ago, I have been present at no such rapturous deathbed, nor have I ever beheld any more wonderful."

The Rev. Edward H. Crane and wife, and Miss Martha A. Harris, were added to the mission in the year 1852.

Among the adverse influences of the year, was the conscription of a regiment of Christian soldiers by the Persian government. This was made in that arbitrary and oppressive manner, in which Moslems deal with their Christian subjects. The Romanists, also, taking advantage of the edict of toleration, and relying on French protection, became very unscrupulous and troublesome. Mar Shimon, having been recognized by the Turkish government as the civil head of the mountain Nestorians, became intent on driving the missionaries from Gawar, and the Turkish authorities were only too willing to unite with him in this effort.

Among the extreme measures of the Turkish rulers, under such an influence, was the arrest of deacon Tamo, with his two brothers, and several of the chief villagers, on the strange charge of murdering a Turkish soldier, who was spending the night near the house of the deacon, and was shot by a company of marauders. Deacon Tamo was arrested as the chief offender, and along with the others was taken to Bashkallah, the residence of the local Pasha. They were there chained together, made to work in brick under taskmasters, and thrown at night into a vile prison. It so happened, that Lieutenant-colonel W. F. Williams, the British Commissioner for settling the boundary between Turkey and Persia, was in that district at the time of this outrage. On learning it, his generous nature was aroused, and he immediately proceeded to Bashkallah, a distance of twenty hours. The Pasha was absent, and not securing the release of the prisoners, he continued his journey to Van, three days further, to see the Pasha of Koordistan. He made him many fair promises, but forgot them on the departure of Colonel Williams. He however had the prisoners removed in October to Van, and there, after the form of a trial, dismissed all except deacon Tamo to their homes. To him the Pasha said, "I shall exact from you thirty thousand piastres, and retain you a prisoner three years." He had promised Colonel Williams, that both the fine and the imprisonment of Tamo should be merely nominal. No one believed the deacon to be guilty. And it is interesting to note the persons, who put forth efforts through a whole year from this time, to effect his release. Colonel Williams went to Constantinople, and laid the case before Colonel Rose, H. B. M. Chargé d'Affairs, and Mr. Brown, the American Chargé. Mr. Brant, English Consul at Erzroom, and Mr. Stevens, English Consul at Tabriz, cooperated with Colonel Williams; and finally Sir Stratford de Redcliffe, British Ambassador at the Porte, made a decisive and successful appeal; and deacon Tamo once more appeared among his friends at Memikan, exhibiting a truly Christian spirit towards his enemies.

The interposition of such powerful friends in behalf of this persecuted Nestorian Christian, exerted a favorable influence upon the local authorities. Kamil Pasha sent reiterated friendly assurances from Bashkallah to Messrs. Coan and Rhea. He also removed from office the Moodir of Gawar, who had been one of the chief causes of the trouble, and put one of his own household in his place; and the restriction upon building at Memikan was so far modified, that their accommodations were tolerable before the arrival of winter, when the thermometer sometimes sank fifteen, twenty, and twenty-five degrees below zero.

In this year Dr. Perkins completed his translation of the Old Testament into the modern Syriac, and the whole Bible was given to the people in their spoken language.

CHAPTER XXI.

SYRIA.

1845-1856.

Good tidings were received in 1845 concerning Aintab, in Northern Syria, communicated by Dr. Kerns, of the London Jews Society, and by Bedros, an Armenian vartabed, who had been banished from Constantinople by the Patriarch Matteos.1 His banishment was to the Armenian monastery at Jerusalem, but he turned aside from Beirût to Northern Syria. Letters came also from prominent men in Aintab, written in behalf of a large number of families in that place who had heard the gospel from Bedros, and were resolved to abandon the errors of their Church. They asked for a missionary to instruct them, and said their need of aid was the greater, as they were violently persecuted by their bishop.

1 See chapter xxii.

Mr. Thomson was instructed by the mission to visit Aleppo and Aintab. He went by way of Antioch, and reached Aleppo in August. Bedros was there, having been driven from Aintab, and Mr. Thomson concluded it was not prudent for him to proceed farther. He accordingly wrote to the Protestants of Aintab, requesting more information as to their condition and wishes. The distance was two long days' ride from Aleppo, and on the fifth day an answer came, that eighteen of their number, including two priests, were coming to see him. A message arrived soon after, stating that they had prepared to come, but fearing the commotion it would produce, they had concluded to abandon the visit and write. Their letter contained a very earnest appeal for a missionary, with strong affirmations of attachment to the gospel, and their determination to adhere to it at all hazards. Mr. Thomson stated, in his reply, why a missionary could not be sent from Beirût, and that he would forward their letters, and those of Bedros, to the missionaries at Constantinople, with a request, that a missionary might be sent who could preach both in Turkish and Armenian; or at least an experienced Armenian preacher, to assist Bedros in this important work. Just before leaving Aleppo, Mr. Thomson received from them another letter, declaring their satisfaction with this arrangement, and their gratitude for his interest in their welfare. "We are the fish in the great sea," they said, "and wait for you to spread the gospel net for us."

Mr. Thomson estimated the nominally Christian population of Aleppo at twenty thousand, and the whole number of inhabitants at sixty thousand. The most promising were the Armenians, though at that time they were kept aloof by the excommunication of Bedros and all associated with him. The Protestant Armenians in that city were thought to be about fifty. The orthodox Greeks were not numerous. Their bishop was in poor health, but received the missionary with much cordiality, and appeared quite pleased with the prospect of a missionary in Aleppo. The Greek Catholics were by far the largest body of Christians. To this body belonged Athanasius, the Archbishop of Tripoli, so called, but residing at Aleppo. He was not forty years old, and had been two years in England, and two in Malta. Mr. Thomson had much intercourse with this man, and spoke of him as the most learned theologian of his sect, and the most promising ecclesiastic he had seen in Syria. He seemed to be serious and earnest, evangelical in sentiment, desirous of reforming his countrymen, and enlightened enough to take a comprehensive view of the work to be done, and make a rational estimate of the obstacles to be overcome. He was highly respected by all classes; and though his Protestant sentiments were well-known, there was said to be no power in his Church to depose him.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 418.

Mr. Calhoun visited Hasbeiya in February, 1846, accompanied by Tannûs, and was there eighteen days. The congregations were smaller, but made up mainly of those who sought to know the way of life; while their townsmen, softened by last year's war, were not disposed to persecute, as before. Mr. Whiting, Mr. Hurter, and Butrus were there in June. The spirit of the congregation is thus described by the missionary. "They like to hear a good long exposition, and then to stay and hear and converse, after prayer, as long as we are able to sit up. Some are coming in during the day at all hours, so that we scarcely cease teaching and preaching from morning until bed-time." Some of the declared Protestants, and even some new inquirers, took a bold stand under persecution by the Governor; and many, who did not venture to call upon the missionary, were in an inquiring state of mind.

Mr. Laurie's health suffered at Mosul, and also in Syria, so that he was obliged to return home in the autumn of this year, and to relinquish the idea of resuming the foreign service. His subsequent labors through the press, have endeared him to a large number of the friends of missions.1

1 See his works: "Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians." Boston, 1853; and "Woman and her Saviour in Persia." Boston, 1865.

The year 1847 opened with an earnest and eloquent appeal from the missionaries for an increase to their number.1 And there is nothing more painful in the retrospect of this mission, than the numerous and often unexpected and surprising openings for usefulness, that were so often effectually closed, solely, as it would seem, because there were not missionaries to enter and take possession. There is space for only a single extract from this appeal. Addressing the Prudential Committee, they say:

1 See Missionary Herald, 1847, pp. 185-193.

"We tell you, with all earnestness, that there is great danger, that the work may languish almost to lifelessness, even at the two posts which you now occupy in Syria, before your new messengers can be found, cross the ocean, and pass through the primary process indispensable to fit them to prophesy upon the slain. Yes, we must make you understand with unmistakable explicitness, that unless you hasten the work, and quicken the flight of those who have the everlasting gospel to preach, the voice may cease to sound, even in the valleys and over the goodly hills of Lebanon! Your infant seminary for training native preachers may droop, or disband; your congregations on the mountains, and on the plain, may be left without any one to break to them the bread of life; and your press may cease to drop those leaves, which are for the healing of the nations. All this may, yes, must occur, by a necessity as inexorable as the decree that commands all back to dust, unless you hasten to renew the vitality of our mission, by throwing into it the young life of a new generation of laborers."

The appeal was published; but it continued painfully true, that the harvest was plenteous, while the laborers were few.

Among the interesting events of the year, were the accession of nine persons to the church at Abeih; and a "fetwa" of the mufti, or Moslem judge, at Beirût, deciding that the Druzes stand in the same relation to the Mohammedan community and law with the Jews, or any Christian sect; i.e. as "infidels;" and, consequently, that a Druze was not subject to prosecution in the Turkish courts, in case of his embracing Christianity. Mr. and Mrs. Benton joined the mission in the latter part of the year.

In the spring of 1847, the Protestants of Hasbeiya sent one of their number to Constantinople, to lay their grievances before the Sultan. The agent was informed, that the Pasha of Damascus had been instructed to protect the Protestants. The British Ambassador afterwards made inquiries, and received a copy of the document, which proved satisfactory. The Pasha sent a strong order to the Emir at Hasbeiya in 1848, for their protection; and he, though extremely reluctant to obey, sent word to the Protestants, that they might meet and worship together as Protestants, and he publicly forbade all parties to interfere with them.

When the Greek Patriarch saw that the Turkish government had recognized the principle of toleration, and acknowledged the Protestants as a Christian sect, he resolved to try the effect of a bull of excommunication. The form of these missives is similar in the Latin and the Oriental Churches, and the reader will recall some of the specimens already given.1 The consequence at Hasbeiya, for a time, was that no Protestant could buy, sell, or transact any business, except with his fellow Protestants, and many of the poorer ones were at once thrown out of productive employment, and cut off from the means of living. They were compelled to pay their debts, but could collect nothing due to them, and no redress could they get from the Governor. Many suffered for the necessaries of life. But the faith of the brethren, with a single exception, did not fail. The Druzes and other sects remonstrated against the whole proceeding, and the rigor of the excommunication began at length to fail, and in December it had lost its force.

1 See in the case of Dr. King, chapter xvii.; and Mr. Bird, chapter iii.

The most important event in the year 1848, was the formation of a purely native church at Beirût. Hitherto the native converts had joined the mission church, formed at an early period of the mission, which was composed mostly of the missionaries and their families. Circumstances had made it seem inexpedient, hitherto, to form a church exclusively of native converts. Whether the brethren were right in this, it is not needful now to inquire. The new church originated in the best manner. At the annual meeting of the mission, a petition was presented from the native Protestants at Beirût to the American missionaries, asking that they might be organized into a church, according to certain principles and rules embodied in their petition. The whole originated with the native brethren. The principles proposed for the constitution and discipline of the church were afterwards modified somewhat, at the suggestion of the mission, in order to a closer conformity with the organization adopted by the Protestant Armenians in another part of the empire. For some special reasons, they were advised to delay the election of a native pastor.

The great work of translating the Scriptures into Arabic, was now committed to Mr. Smith; and he was assisted by Butrus el-Bistany and Nasif el-Yasijee.

Messrs. Ford and Benton removed to Aleppo, with a view to a permanent station. They were accompanied by Mr. Smith, Butrus, and Wortabet, the latter of whom remained there until his services were required at Hasbeiya. Mr. Smith visited on his return, the Nusairiyeh in Antioch, Suwaidiyeh, and around Ladikiyeh, and then both them and the Ismailiyeh in their mountain fastnesses back of Ladikiyeh. He found them a rude people in a rough country.

The Rev. Horace Foot and wife arrived in Beirût in August, 1848, and were associated with Mr. Wilson at Tripoli. Bedros Vartabed, whose labors were so much blessed at Aintab, died after a very short illness at Aleppo, on the 13th of November, 1848. His last hours were spent in fervent prayer, and his last words were expressive of his gratitude to God. His life had been characterized by visible progress in the way of holiness, by habitual prayerfulness, and by zeal in the work of urging upon men the claims of the gospel.

A very hopeful fact in the missions to Oriental Churches, has been the number of able men affected by the truth. Eminently such was a learned Greek Catholic of Damascus, named Michael Meshakah, who became convinced of the errors of his Church, and openly declared himself a Protestant in 1848. He had embraced infidel views to quiet his conscience, but the reading of "Keith on the Prophecies" in Arabic, and other books from the mission presses, especially the Scriptures, led him to relinquish these, and personal intercourse with missionaries, especially with Dr. Smith, induced him to take a decided stand for Christ. He used no reserve in professing his attachment to the gospel. This brought on a controversy between him and his Patriarch, and as he was esteemed the most intelligent native layman in the country, and the Patriarch the most learned ecclesiastic, attention from all quarters was directed to their debate. Having decided to publish the reasons of his secession from the Catholic Church, and to prove the corruptness of the doctrines and practices in that Church, he commenced a free and full correspondence with Dr. Smith in Arabic. The result was a treatise, which was published by the mission. After making the reader acquainted with his own history, he disproved the supremacy of the Pope, the existence of any priesthood but that of Christ, or of any atonement but his. He then showed that there was no authority for more than two grades of officers in the church, or for the doctrine of transubstantiation. There were, also, chapters on justification by faith and the new birth. Dr. Smith declares the treatise to have been "well and thoroughly argued, sometimes most impressively solemn, at others keenly sarcastic, and spirited and fearless throughout."1

1 The Bibliotheca Sacra, for October, 1858, contains an account of Dr. Meshakah by Dr. Thomas Laurie, and a translation of a treatise by him on skepticism.

Michael Aramon took the place of Butrus in the seminary, and gave the highest satisfaction both as to his literary and his religious qualifications for the post. A Hasbeiyan brother, well informed, upright, "a burning and shining light," taught a school among the Druzes in the higher part of the mountains. Another, named Asaad el-Maalûk, exercised a silent influence for good, in a school and upon the people of another mountain village where he taught. Through him, a priest in the Greek church of that village, named Elias, became gradually enlightened. When Asaad began declaring the truths of the gospel, the villagers appealed to priest Elias, and he several times endeavored publicly to defend the doctrines and ceremonies of his Church. Perceiving at length how much the Bible was against him, and that he could not answer his opponent, he became angry, and forbade all communication with Asaad. But the mild and earnest manner of the native brother at length won his heart, and he came to the conclusion, that nothing in his Church had any authority, which was not derived from the Bible. This change in his views he soon declared to his people, and absented himself from the church. Once and again they forced him to go and say mass. Sometimes he yielded, and sometimes refused; till, near the end of January, 1849, having performed mass, he went out with the people, locked the door of the church, threw the key down before the door, and declared, in the presence of them all, that he was a Protestant, and could no more act against his conscience by officiating as a priest. Various methods were tried to bring him back, but in vain.

In May, 1849, Mrs. Thomson and Mrs. De Forest accompanied their husbands to Hasbeiya, and had delightful intercourse with the native Protestant women, who had from the first gone hand in hand with the men.

The brethren at Tripoli endeavored to secure a summer residence in the Maronite village of Ehden, where Mr. Bird had been so rudely assailed twenty years before, but were driven thence by similar acts of violence. The English Consul at Beirût, without the knowledge of the missionaries, laid the facts before the British Government, and Lord Palmerston promptly administered a severe rebuke to the Patriarch and Emir. The case was eventually settled by the offenders paying seventy dollars, and by the governor of the mountains furnishing the missionaries with an official guaranty in writing, for their protection wherever they should be able to hire houses. The American Ambassador also procured a strong vizieral letter to the Pasha in the Tripoli district.

A fourth class was admitted to the seminary at Abeih in October, 1849. One member of the class was from the most influential family in Hasbeiya, another was a Greek Catholic from Ain Zehalty, another a Maronite from Kefr Shema, another from the Greek sect at El Hadet, and the fifth was a young Druze emir of the Raslân family. Three pupils had been expelled for bad conduct in the previous year, and the discipline had a good effect on the school. Arabic was the medium of instruction; English was taught only as a branch of knowledge, and near the end of the course.

The printing in 1849 exceeded a million of pages. There were two fonts of beautiful type, of different sizes, modeled on the best Arabic calligraphy, and cut by Mr. Hallock at New York. The type were cast in Syria under the supervision of Mr. Hurter.

Of the twenty-seven members in the native church at Beirut, up to the close of 1849, ten were from the Greek Church, four were Greek Catholics, four Maronites, five Armenians, three Druzes, and one a Jacobite Syrian; showing how men of different sects may be made one in Christ Jesus. These church members were widely dispersed, and most of them exerted a salutary influence in the places where they resided.

In the autumn of 1850, the Greeks and Greek Catholics of Aleppo were subjected to terrible outrages by the Mohammedans. Their number was from fifteen to twenty thousand, and they were more wealthy and refined than their brethren in most eastern cities. They looked upon themselves as the aristocracy of Syria. Instead of prudently concealing their wealth, they made an ostentatious display of it in furniture, dress, and costly decorations of their churches. Added to this was an arrogant bearing, often even towards the Moslems, rekindling their hereditary hate; while the recent efforts of the Sultan to establish liberty throughout his dominions, both inflated still more the pride of the Christians, and stirred up the indignation of the Moslems.

The arrival of a government order for a military conscription, a thing most unwelcome to the Moslems, occasioned a popular tumult. They determined, while setting the Pasha at defiance, to gratify their hatred of the Christians. The attacks on these commenced on the 16th of October. Thousands of wild Arabs, along with ruffians from the city, filled the houses and churches, and splendid furniture, gorgeous dresses, and gold and silver hoarded for generations, were suddenly transferred to the swarthy Arabs. All the churches, save one, were rifled and then burnt or destroyed, together with a large number of private houses. Not a few of the Christians were murdered, or severely wounded. The Pasha, unequal to the crisis, took refuge among the soldiers of the barracks, and yielded to the demands of the populace until new orders should arrive from the Sultan. There was a fortnight of anarchy, while the Pasha was employed in collecting troops sufficient to regain his authority. Then, having received explicit instructions from the capital, he commenced a bloody attack upon the insurgents. These were all Moslems, and such was their desperation that they suffered more severely than had the Christians.

Until this outbreak, there had been a manifest change going on in the feelings of the nominally Christian community towards the Protestants. There was a growing respect among all classes for the missionaries and their teachings, a readiness on the part of many to acknowledge the truth, and a more easy access to the houses of the people. All this the outbreak interrupted for a time, and the effect was not good on the whole. There was a bloody feud between the two great parties. Yet the bonds of superstition had been weakened; especially the faith of the people in the miraculous virtue of the pictures, which filled their churches and had been worshipped for centuries. Some of these pictures were supposed to be so sacred, that whoever touched them would have a withered hand. But they had now seen them torn in pieces, trampled under foot, and burned by the enemies of their religion.

Of the nineteen pupils in the seminary at Abeih in 1850, four were Druzes, three were Greeks, four Maronites, four Greek Catholics, two Protestants, one Syrian, and one Armenian; all on a level, eating at the same table, mingling in the same sports, and meeting at the same place of prayer.

The native brethren at Hasbeiya suffered considerably in their spiritual interests, from the delay in organizing a native church with a native pastor. A church of sixteen members was formed in July, 1851, and the number of members, before the end of the year, was increased to twenty-five. Mr. John Wortabet, son of the Armenian convert of that name, had been their preacher four years, and ultimately became their pastor. He inherited the abilities of his father, and was an acceptable, courageous, and zealous preacher.1 There were occasional dissensions among his people, but the church gradually increased in compactness, order, and efficiency. When there was a call for discipline, it was carried through firmly and wisely, without assistance from the mission.

1 He was educated in the first Seminary, in English and Arabic. When that closed, he commenced the study of medicine and Latin under Dr. Van Dyck, and completed his medical course under Dr. De Forest. After practicing for a time in Tripoli, he commenced his theological studies, Greek and Hebrew included, at Beirût, under the care of Messrs. Smith, Whiting, and Thomson. These studies he prosecuted for a time at Aleppo, and afterwards at Abeih. Upon the establishment of the Hasbeiya station, in 1851, he took up his residence at Hasbeiya as preacher, and was ordained at Beirût in the spring of 1853. The honorary degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred upon him by Yale College, in view of an article from his pen on the fevers of Syria, published in the American Journal of Medical Science.

The annual meeting of the mission, in 1851, was favored with the valuable assistance of Dr. Leonard Bacon, and the meeting in 1852, with that of Dr. Edward Robinson; both corporate members of the Board.

A girls boarding-school had been commenced at Beirût, under the general superintendence of Dr. and Mrs. De Forest, and the instruction of Miss Whittlesey. The decease of the latter, in 1852, was a check to its growth. The Rev. William Bird, son of one of the pioneers in this mission, with his wife, and Miss Sarah Cheney, arrived in the year 1853. Miss Cheney was to take the place of Miss Whittlesey. The value of this school as a means of elevating women, became more and more evident. The marriage of the senior teacher in the seminary at Abeih with a young lady trained by Mrs. De Forest, gave them a native family, which Mr. Calhoun says, "in its domestic economy and religious order, would do no discredit to the best portions of New England." In this year a native church was formed at Abeih, and another at Aleppo.

The Rev. William W. Eddy and wife joined the mission in 1852, and were designated to Aleppo. The political condition of Hasbeiya and the surrounding region, now became so disordered as often to make it inaccessible to missionaries, or their native assistants. Yet Mr. Wortabet persevered in his labors during all these troubles, and was afterwards ordained pastor of the church. Protestant communities at Ibel near Hasbeiya, and at Rasheiya over the mountain, survived the severe persecutions to which they were subjected by the combined efforts of bishops, priests, and local governors; until the governors, who had been the real cause of most of the difficulties, were summoned to Damascus, through the agency of the English Ambassador at Constantinople, to answer for their conduct.

At Sidon, there was an average congregation of thirty-live, and persecution did not shake their constancy. In a dozen villages near that city, there were persons in the habit of reading the Scriptures, and visiting the missionaries. Mr. William Thomson, a son of the missionary, rendered valuable service in this portion of the field. Messrs. Foot and Wilson, on a visit to Hums and Hamath, northward of Damascus, found the former place peculiarly accessible to religious teaching, and that Dr. Meshakah of Damascus had sent books to several persons in this place, and been in correspondence with them. Dr. De Forest was much interested in what he saw in villages along the coast, as far south as Carmel. Everywhere the people were anxious to know more of the new way, which was everywhere spoken against.

One of the persons received to the Abeih church, about this time, had a somewhat singular experience. In the war with the Druzes, nine years before, his party plundered a large village. In one of the houses he saw a Bible, which he seized and carried home. Soon he became intensely interested in reading it, and learned from it the errors of his Church. He then sought the acquaintance of the missionaries, and several of his relatives adopted his new views. He was excommunicated, his house attacked, his property destroyed, and his just dues were withheld. But he remained firm, and was admitted to the church. His wife and other relatives became Protestants; and by his judicious course, at once decided and conciliatory, he lived down the persecution. A school which he opened, was attended mostly by Druze pupils, but several of his former co-religionists intrusted their children to his instruction.

In August, 1853, Dr. Smith had completed the translation of the Four Gospels. His work was then suspended by the failure of his health. He was afterward able to resume it, and in May, 1854, he had translated the Acts, the Epistle to the Romans, and the greater part of the Epistles to the Corinthians.

In 1853, interesting developments occurred in the southern portion of the field, which was that year under the special charge of Dr. Thomson. Yacob el-Hakim, interrupted in his school at Ibel by opposers, made two extended medical tours, and preached the Gospel, with another native helper, in villages to the south as far as Nazareth. In one village, after visiting from house to house for some time, he was invited to preach in the church on the Sabbath, and there the entire community listened for two hours to the Word of God. In consequence of these labors the whole village, with the priest at their head, declared themselves Protestants, and went to Nazareth to be enrolled with the Protestant community at that place, under the care of the Episcopal brethren at Jerusalem. In his last tour, Yacob reported fifty men in Rany, another village not far from Nazareth, who had adopted the same course, and he met with great encouragement in several other places. Indeed he became so much interested in this work, that he did not wish to return to his school. These tours were made wholly at his own expense, and he was able to support himself by his medical practice.

Elias Yacobe, a native of Rashaiah, spent the summer at Abeih in the study of theology, and was found to possess uncommon preaching talents. He subsequently labored with success at his native place, at Ibel, and especially at Khuraibeh. Wherever the native brethren went, they reported an unusual desire among the people to hear the Word of God. At Sidon the attention paid to the preaching of Mr. Thomson and his helpers was marked and solemn. More than thirty were in a Bible-class. It was somewhat remarkable that the whole class found the study of Romans far more interesting than any other portion of the New Testament. The powerful arguments of Paul, when clearly opened to their comprehension, seemed to fall upon their minds with the charm of novelty. And having clearly understood and embraced the great fundamentals of Christian faith, there was good reason to hope, they would never return again to the beggarly elements of this world. What they learned in the class they made known abroad. The surrounding country was awakened more or less to a spirit of inquiry. At a village directly east of Sidon, several families declared themselves Protestants. At Kanah, in the neighborhood of Tyre, at Alma, higher up on the mountain, and at Acre and Kaifeh, there were decided Protestants.

The clergy of the different sects became thoroughly alarmed, and for a time worked in concert to arrest this spirit of inquiry. A strong corps of women, under the general name of Sisters of Charity, settled in Sidon, and opened large schools to which the parents were commanded, by the clergy of the various sects, to send their children; and strenuous exertions were made to break up the mission school. Every possible measure was employed to intimidate the people.

Nearly all the professed converts stood firm; though subjected to want, cruel hatred, and banishment from their homes. There was an advance in religious character; more decision, more intelligence, more earnestness. The inquiry was, what is real religion, and how can one become a partaker in its infinite blessings. Progress was thus made towards organizing a church at Sidon.

The Protestants at Hasbeiya, under favor of the Druzes, who then had the upper hand in all political matters, and under the successful pastorate of Mr. Wortabet, now built a neat, substantial church, forty-five feet by thirty-five, with a basement for schools and prayer meetings.

Mr. and Mrs. Foot left the mission in the autumn of 1854, on account of her illness, but too late to save her life. She died when near the shores of her native land. The Rev. Jerre L. Lyons and wife arrived at Beirût early in the following year. Dr. Smith had now completed the translation of the New Testament; and in addition to the Pentateuch, previously completed, he had gone through seven of the Minor Prophets, and commenced upon Isaiah.

The author made his second visit to this mission in 1855, on his return from India. During this visit he accompanied Dr. Smith to Ain Zehalty, a place of difficult access in the heart of Lebanon, where Mr. and Mrs. Lyons were residing, with no one to speak the English language, in order the sooner to learn the Arabic. There, through the teachings of a native brother from the church at Abeih, the people had lost all confidence in the ceremonies and superstitions of their Church. The priest, after making vain attempts to bring them back, left the place in disgust, and begged the bishop to send him elsewhere. He was obliged to return, however, and as his flock would not support him, a salary was given him by the bishop, in the hope of ultimately recovering them to his fold. The experiences of this little community of Protestants will again claim our attention.

It was now agreed to leave Aleppo, and northern Syria from Kessab northward, to be cultivated by the Armenian mission; since the language in that region was chiefly the Turkish.

The Rev. Messrs. Edward Aiken, Daniel Bliss, and Henry H. Jessup, and their wives, were added to the mission in this year. Mrs. Aiken died at Hums before she had completed a residence in the field of half a year. In November, one of the older missionaries, the Rev. George B. Whiting, finished his course, after a devoted service as a missionary through a fourth part of a century.1 Mrs. Whiting returned, in poor health, to the United States.

1 For an obituary notice of Mr. Whiting by Mr. Calhoun, see Missionary Herald for 1856, pp. 129-133.

The Gospel was preached statedly at sixteen places. At four of these—Beirût, Abeih, Sidon, and Hasbeiya—churches had been organized. Fifteen members were added during the year 1856. The number admitted from the beginning was one hundred and six, of whom eighty were living and in regular standing. The average number of hearers was about four hundred and twenty; but the whole number was of course much larger. The sons-in-law of the old Emir Beshir, the unrelenting persecutor no longer among the living, were among the firmest friends of the mission, and his grandchildren were in its schools. The anathemas of the Maronite clergy, once so terrific, had lost their power. Light was spreading; and though there was not a corresponding religious interest, yet the most influential inhabitants were on friendly terms with the mission, and in favor of education and good morals.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE ARMENIANS.

1845-1846.

We come now to the grand crisis, when the evangelical Armenians, who claimed the right of worshipping God according to the teachings of his Word, were on that account excommunicated, pronounced accursed, and subjected to a protracted and most cruel persecution. But inasmuch as this made it necessary to organize Protestant churches all over the country, it was overruled, in God's providence, for the furtherance of his kingdom.

Matteos, the leader of this persecution, became Patriarch of Constantinople in the autumn of 1844. Peshtimaljian, the celebrated, teacher, who knew him as one of his scholars, said of him, ten years before, when he was on very friendly terms with the missionaries, that he was a man of enlightened views, but without principle, and always governed by what he considered the wishes of those who were likely to promote his interests. His position as Patriarch was one of great difficulty. The evangelical doctrines were spreading in all directions, and their enemies demanded that they be rooted out. A report was even started, that Matteos himself was a Protestant, and his convictions were known to have been at one time in that direction; but his interests and his ambition now led him to oppose. He had attained the highest post in his nation, and was resolved to keep it. As the evangelical brethren would not yield, he must, if possible, put them down. He resolved to sacrifice the Protestants; and all his powers, personal and official, were employed to eradicate Protestantism from the land.1

1 Dr. Dwight, in his Christianity Revived in the East is severe on Bishop Horatio Southgate, of the American Episcopal mission in Turkey, on the ground of his publicly declared sympathy with the Patriarch Matteos, and the advice and countenance he was believed to have given that cruel persecutor. How far the Patriarch was actually influenced by Bishop Southgate, it is impossible to say; and I have supposed that at this late day, the demands of history would be satisfied with this brief allusion to the case. See Christianity Revived, pp. 211-213.

He first secretly directed those among his own flock, who were patrons or regular customers of the evangelical brethren, silently to withdraw their patronage. Many of the Protestants thus suddenly found themselves deprived of business, and that remonstrances availed nothing, unless they pledged themselves to withdraw from the preaching of the missionaries. A more decisive measure was, ordering the priests to hand in to the Patriarch the names of those who did not come to confession, and partake of the communion, in their respective churches. All such were threatened with excommunication and all its dreaded consequences.

As two or three vartabeds and some of the priests continued to attend the preaching of the missionaries, and others were known to be friendly, something must be done to operate upon those spiritual guides of the people. Bedros Vartabed was the first to be made an example. He was ordered to perform a mass, but declined on conscientious grounds. He was then instructed to proceed forthwith to a town on the Russian frontier, ostensibly to take charge of a diocese, but really to get him where he could easily be conveyed as a prisoner to the monastery of Echmiadzin. He politely declined to go, and the Patriarch was not then prepared to resort to force. After some delay, it was arranged that Bedros should go to the monastery at Jerusalem. He proceeded no farther, however, than Beirût, and from thence went to Aleppo and Aintab. His usefulness at the latter place, and his Christian death at Aleppo, have been already stated.1

1 See chapter xxi.

The Patriarch's attention was next turned to Priest Vertanes, who was already in his hands as a prisoner at the monastery of Armash, whither he had been sent by his predecessor. It was found that he had been preaching to the monks salvation through the blood of Christ alone, without the deeds of the law. It was represented to Matteos, that if the Protestant priest was not removed, the inmates of the monastery would soon become corrupted. An imperial firman was therefore procured for his banishment to Cesarea, whither Hohannes had been sent, six years before, for a like offense. On his way there, in charge of a Turkish officer, and indeed after his arrival, he ceased not to preach the Gospel for which he was in bonds. In the same year the Sultan gave orders, on occasion of a great feast, to have all the exiles in the country set at liberty, and Vertanes returned to Constantinople. Letters came to the Patriarch from Cesarea, soon after, saying that he had seduced many, and that had he remained there much longer, all would have gone after him.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 152. Authority for most of the following statements concerning these persecutions, may be found in the Missionary Herald for 1846: pp. 193-203, 218-230, 263-273, 298-304, 397-406; and for 1847, pp. 16-22, 37-45, 75-83, 150, 193-199, 264-273, 298-301, 372-374. The account of them given by Dr. H. G. O. Dwight, in his work entitled Christianity Revived in the East, published in 1850, is so well written, that I cannot confer upon the reader a greater favor than by a free, though much abridged, use of his language.

At the metropolis there were restraints upon the hierarchy, that were unfelt in the provinces. Ephrem, bishop of Erzroom, had once acknowledged the errors of his Church, and had often strongly expressed his desires for reform, though now among the most zealous and persevering of the persecutors. The same was lamentably true of Boghos, Vartabed of Trebizond. Ephrem and Boghos had actually suffered persecution, on the charge of being Protestants. The change in their conduct was owing to the change in their relations, and to their loving the praise of men more than the praise of God.

The Bishop of Erzroom exceeded all others in bitterness against the followers of the Gospel. He had spies in every part of the town, and often upon the roofs of houses adjacent to the dwellings of the missionaries, to observe who were their visitors. He never allowed disobedience to his orders to go unpunished. The bastinado was repeatedly applied under his own eye, merely for an expression indicating reverence for the Word of God. Twenty blows were inflicted on the bare feet of a young man, and he was thrown into prison, because he had sold a copy of the Psalms in modern Armenian, and called at the house of a missionary. A teacher of a country school was severely bastinadoed for teaching the Gospel to the villagers. A merchant, who had early embraced the truth, was cruelly beaten in the bishop's own room, and the people were commanded to spit in his face in the streets, merely because he visited the missionary. A priest, for showing so much sympathy as to call upon him, was summoned before the bishop and bastinadoed. Another, who had called once at Mr. Peabody's house and procured some books, was seized, put in irons, and thrown into prison, and his books were burnt before his eyes. In most cases these violent measures confirmed the individuals in their new ways; and the truth is said never to have made so much progress among the permanent Armenian residents of Erzroom, as during the period of these outrages.

One principal reason for the determination of the ecclesiastics to uproot Bible religion from Erzroom, was the central and consequently influential position of that city in the interior of Armenia. In the district of Pasin, to the east, were nearly two hundred villages, in which Mr. Peabody found both priests and people remarkably accessible. In the nearer villages, a few were always found so much awake to the truth as to pay little regard to the injunctions of their spiritual rulers, who were opposed to Bible teachings. Not unfrequently individuals from Egin, Diarbekir, and other distant places, called on Messrs. Peabody and Smith for religious inquiry. A tour of Haritûn of Nicomedia to Sivas, Erzroom, Egin, etc., brought to light many encouraging facts in those places. In every important place some inquirers were found, and only laborers seemed needful to gather in an abundant harvest.

The author can bear witness to the increase of intelligence at Trebizond. The quiet preaching of the word by Messrs. Johnston and Bliss, and the distribution of the Scriptures and other evangelical books, had, by the blessing of God, moved many minds, and taught the difference between truth and error; and they gladly availed themselves of every opportunity to come together for conference and prayer. Not many, however, were willing to run much risk for the truth's sake, and few gave satisfactory evidence of being "born again."

A young man of superior attainments in Trebizond, belonging to the Papal Armenians, died in the spring of 1844, giving the most satisfactory evidence of conversion. His priest had made every effort to reclaim him, but Mugurdich, for that was his name, was very decided, and a few days before his death made a formal renunciation of his Church in writing, and peacefully committed his all to Christ. His body was not allowed a burial in the graveyard, or with the usual religious ceremonies, but was carried out at a late hour, in a dark stormy night, by common street porters, under the direction of a Turkish police-officer, and buried in a waste place about a mile out of the city. His priest had threatened to bury him like a dog; but he told them, at the time, that they could thus do him no harm, as they could not reach his soul.

The Vartabed in this city was not deemed sufficiently energetic as a persecutor. But Boghos, his successor, was. On receiving instructions from the Patriarch in the spring of 1845, he immediately set the whole persecuting machinery in motion. And so terrific did it become, that in the space of ten days about one half of the Bible readers had recanted.

Just at this juncture, a highly respected evangelical inhabitant of Trebizond, named Tateos, returned from a visit to Constantinople, Smyrna, Broosa, Nicomedia, and Adabazar, whither he had been to make the acquaintance of the missionaries and native brethren in those places. Fearing the influence of such a man, the persecuting party resolved to put him out of the way. He was accordingly decoyed on board the steamer as it was leaving for Constantinople, thrust down into the hold, and confined there by order of the Turkish Pasha. Thus was he torn from his affectionate wife and children, and carried off like a felon, they knew not whither, without even the show of a trial. Arriving at the capital, he was taken to the Armenian hospital, and shut up in the mad-house. Placed in a sitting posture, he was fastened with two chains, one from his neck to the wall, the other from his feet to the floor. Orders from the Patriarchate were, that no one should have access to him, but some of the native brethren discovered the place of his confinement, and gained admittance. He was then removed to another place, where it was believed he could not be found. On the Sabbath, the eighth day of his imprisonment, while the Armenian congregation was engaged in singing in the chapel at Pera, he entered, a free man! Much prayer had been offered for him, and his sudden liberation reminded all of Peter the Apostle. Sir Stratford Canning had been informed of his case, and there was no doubt that the remonstrances of this benevolent statesman had caused the Patriarch to loosen his grasp upon this innocent victim of his oppression.

But whatever was the influence exerted to moderate the proceedings of the Patriarch in this case, he was fully resolved not to fail of success. In the beginning of 1846, he entered upon the more decisive course of subjecting the evangelical Armenians to the pains and penalties of excommunication. He began with Vertanes, who escaped arrest only through the friendly agency of his landlord, (not a Protestant,) and was concealed for several weeks in the house of a friend. At the patriarchal church, after the morning service, January 25th, the church was darkened by extinguishing the candles, the great veil was drawn in front of the altar, and a bull of anathema was solemnly read against Priest Vertanes; and, on the next Sabbath, against all who were of his sentiments,—"followers," as the instrument read, "of the corrupt new sect, who are accursed, excommunicated, and anathematized." Vertanes was denounced in the usual style of such documents, as "a contemptible wretch," "a vagabond," "a seducer of the people," "a traitor and murderer of Christ," "a child of the devil," "an offspring of Antichrist," and "worse than an infidel or a heathen." "Wherefore," says the Patriarch, "we expel him, and forbid him, as a devil and a child of the devil, to enter into the company of our believers; we cut him off from the priesthood, as an amputated member of the spiritual body of Christ, and as a branch cut off from the vine, which is good for nothing but to be cast into the fire. By this admonitory bull, I therefore command and warn my beloved in every city far and near, not to look upon his face, regarding it as the face of Belial, not to receive him into your holy dwellings, for he is a house destroying and ravening wolf; not to receive his salutation, but to refuse it as a soul-destroying poison; and to beware, with all your households, of the seducing and impious followers of the false doctrine of modern sectarists, and to pray for them to the God who remembereth not iniquity, if perchance, they may repent, and turn from their wicked paths, and secure the salvation of their souls, through the grace of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, who is blessed forever and ever. Amen."1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 197, 198.

The Patriarch immediately issued orders to his clergy, to see that the temporal penalties threatened in the anathema were all inflicted. Most of the clergy obeyed these orders with good will, but some reluctantly. The leading men in the different trade corporations were required to deprive the persons anathematized, and their families, of their employments and means of living, and they evinced more pitiless zeal than did even the clergy. Many of the brethren were forcibly driven from their houses and shops, and some were expelled even from the paternal roof. A form of recantation was drawn up, and a new creed, and these were sent throughout the country for the signature of the Protestants. The evangelical brethren were everywhere summoned before their ecclesiastical rulers for this purpose. The creed contained the worst errors of Popery. The recantation required was, in substance, a confession that "being deceived by the enticements of Satan" they had "separated from the spotless bosom of the holy Church," and had "lovingly joined the impious New Sectaries," which they now saw to be "nothing else but an invention of arrogance, a snare of Satan, a sect of confusion, a broad road which leadeth to destruction." Wherefore repenting of their "impious deeds," they "fled again to the bosom of the immaculate and holy Armenian Church," and confessed that "her faith is spotless, her sacraments divine, her rites of apostolic origin, her ritual pious," and promised to receive "whatever this same holy Church receiveth, whether it be a matter of faith or ceremony," and to "reject with anathemas whatever doctrines she rejects."1

1 Appendix to Christianity Revived in the East, p. 272.

The persecutions designed to enforce this bold and cruel measure, both at Constantinople and elsewhere, were too numerous to be fully set forth in this history. It appears, from a statement drawn up by the missionaries at Constantinople, that nearly forty persons, in that city alone, had their shops closed and their licenses taken away, and were thus debarred from laboring for an honest livelihood. Nearly seventy were ejected from their own hired houses, and sometimes from houses owned by themselves, and were thus exposed as vagabonds, to be taken up by the patrol and committed to prison; and could find shelter only in houses provided for the emergency at Pera, or Galata, through the charity of Europeans or Americans. To increase the distress, bakers were forbidden to furnish them with bread, and water-carriers to supply them with water. Thirty or more persons were exiled, imprisoned, or bastinadoed, on no other charge than their faith. Many were compelled to dissolve partnerships, and bring their accounts to a forced settlement, involving their utter ruin. Where the agents of the Patriarch ascertained that debts were due from the anathematized to faithful sons of the Church, the latter, however reluctant, were compelled to urge an immediate settlement.1

1 Annual Report for 1846, p. 98.

Dr. Dwight gives us a glimpse of the working of the Anathema in the following narrative: "At one time the Patriarch called before him several of the leading Protestants, and sought to win them by gentleness and argument. When he found that they could outreason him, he said, rather petulantly, 'What is the use of your talking? I only called you to sign this paper. If you cannot do it, you may go, and next Sabbath you will all be anathematized.'

"One of the number he retained for a more private conversation. This was Mr. Apisoghom Khachadûrian, who afterwards became the first Protestant pastor. After those present had been sent away, the Patriarch, with a great show of kindness, entreated our brother to yield to the demands of the Church, for the sake of peace. 'Let me know,' said he, 'how much you receive as a salary from those men (meaning us), and I will pledge myself to secure more for you, if you will only come over to our side.' Ap. Khachadûrian begged the Patriarch not to pain his feelings again by addressing to him any such motives, which, in a matter of such solemn moment, were worthy of no consideration.

"The Patriarch then said: 'If you will only come back to us, you may retain your own private opinions and nobody shall molest you; only you must not speak of them to others. Why should you preach? You are no priest.'

"K. 'I cannot return on any such conditions. It is every man's duty to try to enlighten his neighbors in things pertaining to salvation, so far as he understands the Gospel.'

"Patriarch. 'But, if the evangelical men are permitted to remain in the Church on such conditions, the time is not distant when they will make the whole Church evangelical.'

"K. 'And what if they should? Would it be a calamity to our people to receive the Word of God as a body, and endeavor to follow it? You well know that this is the true way. You know that you confessed this to me some years ago. The course you are now pursuing will be destructive to our nation. I well understand your motive. You have been called a Protestant, and you seek to wipe this blot from your name; but have you not already done enough? Surely everybody must be convinced, by this time, that you are an Armenian, and no Protestant. Desist, I beseech you, from this work; for your own sake, I beseech you desist; otherwise it may result in something very bad for you.'

"Patriarch. 'Why? what will they (meaning the missionaries) do unto me?'

"K. 'They will do nothing to you, but your own nation will, if you go on in this way.'

"This conversation continued for some time, and the Patriarch's conscience seemed, for the moment, to be touched by our brother's faithful appeals, and he looked very thoughtful. He requested Mr. Khachadûrian to call again after two days, which he accordingly did, but was not received. A vartabed was sent to say, that if he continued of the same mind as before, the Patriarch did not wish to see him; and on the following Sabbath he was publicly anathematized in all the churches."1

1 Christianity Revived, pp. 199-201.

Soon after this anathema, the persecuted brethren addressed a letter to the Patriarch, explaining their religious sentiments, and asking to be relieved from their sufferings. This producing no effect, they addressed themselves to the Primates of the Armenian community, but no one of them was disposed to interfere in their behalf. At length they presented a petition to Reschid Pasha, Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs. This petition was treated with respect; but, owing to the influence of some of the Armenian Primates, it procured no relief. Subsequently they carried their case before the English, Prussian, and American Ministers, asking their intervention. These gentlemen took the kindest interest in their case, and made repeated efforts to procure redress. Still the persecution went on. The Patriarch even ventured, within a month after the excommunication, to send the names of thirteen leading Protestants to the Porte, requesting their banishment. This was going a step too far. The English Ambassador, Sir Stratford Canning, had called the attention of the Turkish ministry to the pledge given, three years before, by the Sultan, that "henceforth there should be no more persecution for religious opinions in Turkey;" and it was now decided, in accordance with this pledge, that the persecution of the evangelical Armenians could not be allowed.

Scores of men, women, and children were wandering houseless, for the faith of Jesus, in the streets of the great metropolis, but they could not be left thus to suffer. Through the kindness of Mr. Allan, missionary of the Free Church of Scotland to the Jews, twenty individuals were comfortably lodged in a large building he had secured for a chapel and mission house. For the rest, the missionaries hired such tenements as could be found; at the same time providing bread for those cut off from all means of procuring their own subsistence. Nor was any time lost in appealing for aid to evangelical Christians throughout the world; and responses were received from the United States, from England, from every country in Europe, and from India; and five hundred dollars were contributed by foreign Protestant residents on the ground.

One good resulting from this evil should not be overlooked. The evangelical brethren in Constantinople had lived scattered over a territory eight or ten miles in diameter, so that they could rarely, if ever, come together. But while driven from their homes, and sheltered by the hand of Christian charity, they were, for many weeks, almost in one neighborhood, with abundant opportunity to cultivate each other's acquaintance. Most of their time, indeed, was spent in social prayer and religious conference; the effects of which were seen in a deeper interest felt for one another, and in a stronger bond of union.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 208.

Early in March, Reschid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, called up the Armenian Patriarch, and charged him to desist from his present course. This was an important point gained. It was now virtually decided, that the evangelical subjects of the Porte could have a civil existence in Turkey, without being under the spiritual dominion of the Patriarch.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 218.

But freedom from the Patriarch's civil power they did not actually attain until their full and formal recognition as a Protestant community. In point of fact, there was no material relief from the persecution; though the Patriarch issued a pamphlet, about this time, utterly denying that there was any. He even proclaimed from the pulpit, that religion was free in Turkey. There was no doubt a change for the better in the Turkish government, and the Patriarch was gradually learning that persecution for religious opinions was not to be allowed. Therefore he felt constrained to use every artifice, so that nothing should seem to be done contrary to law; and, if possible, so that no ambassador should be able to prove upon him an act of persecution. At that very time, however, thirty-four shops were closed in Constantinople, and their former occupants were forcibly kept from resuming their business, merely because they did not subscribe to the Patriarch's creed. This was all, however, under the pretense of law. The Patriarch was the civil head of the Armenian community, and as such was responsible to the government for every trade. No person could open a shop without a license, and each trade was incorporated, and regulated by a small committee of the most prominent persons in that business. The license came from this committee; and each one taking out a license was required to give two or more sureties for good conduct. Licenses were refused to the evangelical Armenians; or if not, they were not accepted as sureties for each other, and none others ventured to assume the relation. Thus, until the slow moving Turk discovered the abuse, the persecutor pursued his work with impunity under the broad shield of the law.

It was specially so in the interior. One of the most trying cases of persecution was that of Priest Haritûn at Nicomedia, whose conversion was mentioned in connection with that of Vertanes, more than twelve years before. When Der Vertanes was anathematized, the bishop of Nicomedia required Haritûn to write a confession of his faith, in order to show the people that he was a true son of the Armenian Church. The document was far from being satisfactory, and his letter appended to it was still less so, for in that he affirmed the Holy Scriptures to be the only infallible rule of faith and practice, and declared his willingness to receive whatever punishment was prepared for him. He was naturally timid, but now he was filled with the spirit of martyrdom. He was brought to the church on the Sabbath, and the bishop, after reading his confession, immediately pronounced him excommunicated and accursed. Two priests then violently tore his clerical robes from his shoulders, and with boisterous shouts, cried, "Drive the accursed one from the church." The excited rabble now fell upon him, and with kicks and blows thrust him into the street. All this he received with the greatest meekness, and returned to his house exceeding glad that he was counted worthy "to suffer for the name of Jesus."

The bishop then sent him a paper of recantation to sign. Refusing to do this, he was by an easy artifice, thrown into prison. Finding that he owed small sums to different individuals, the debts were all bought up by a magnate of the place, and immediate payment was required. Being unable to meet the demand, as it was well known he would be, he was cast into prison. It was under sanction of the law. After thirteen days, he was conducted by a soldier to the bishop's palace, where the Patriarch's creed was offered for his signature. When they could not persuade him to sign it, he was threatened with the loss of his beard, which was considered the greatest indignity to a priest. He replied, "For the wonderful name of Christ, I am, God helping me, ready even to shed my blood." A barber was called in, and not only his beard, but all the hair from his head was shaved off. They then tore his clerical cap, and cast it into a filthy corner of the street, together with the hair and beard. A mob of boys now fastened the beard and the disfigured cap to the end of a long pole, and paraded through all the wards of the city, shouting, "Heads out! behold the cap of the accursed Haritûn." He was afterwards sent back to prison, the soldiers leading him by a circuitous route to prolong his sufferings, and the mob continually following him with opprobrious language. "I entered the prison," he wrote to a native brother, "with a joyful heart, committing myself to God, and giving glory to Him, that He had enabled me to pass through fire and sword, and brought me to a place of repose."

The Turkish governor of the prison, moved by pity, immediately released the unoffending old man. Passing through a Turkish burying ground, he reached his home unobserved. It was the Sabbath day, and he says, "Being delivered from the hands of reckless men, I fell down on my face about the eighth hour, with my wife alone, and gave glory to God that He had accounted me worthy of such an honor, which I formerly avoided, but now by his grace he has made me cheerfully to receive, though I am altogether unworthy. He has kept me for such a day."

Haritûn's inability to pay his debts subjected him to a second imprisonment; but as his cup increased in bitterness, his resolve was the more firmly fixed, never to deny his Lord and Saviour. His spotless reputation, and his meekness in suffering, procured for him many friends, even among the Mohammedans.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 219-223, 366.

It deserves to be recorded, that the magnate who secured his imprisonment, was thrown from his horse, not long after, and received a fracture of the skull, from which he died; and his splendid mansion was subsequently consumed by fire.

After having thus cruelly treated Priest Haritûn, the bishop summoned the evangelical brethren before him, as a body, and so wrought upon their fears, that they all agreed to sign the paper of recantation. Some of them, however, declared to the bishop, at the time, that they should continue to read the Gospel, and come together for prayer; and he assured them, that he merely wanted their signatures as a matter of form, and that they should be left at liberty to believe and act as they pleased. But they lost all peace of mind from that moment, until they had abjured their recantation, and publicly declared their determination to abide by the doctrines of the Gospel, even unto death. This was in March, 1846. They were all soon after excommunicated.

At Adabazar, there was much suffering. Four of the brethren were seized for debt, and thrown into prison. The Protestants were assailed with hootings and curses. Fresh outrages were of daily occurrence. A native brother, named Hagop, on his way from Adabazar to a village an hour distant, was passed by one of the persecutors on horseback, who turned upon him and cruelly beat him. Returning home with eyes and forehead swollen and blackened, and his limbs bloody from the blows he had received, he was taken by his friends to the Turkish governor, and two Turks came in as witnesses; but the governor refused to give him a hearing. Soon after, the houses of the brethren were stoned, and some of them were imprisoned on false pretenses, while the governor and judge, though perfectly aware of these things, cared not for them. Emboldened thus, the chief ruler of the Armenians headed a band of about fifty desperate fellows, and went in the evening to the house of Hagop, who had been beaten a few days before, broke down the door, rushed up-stairs, and, in the presence of his family, beat him on his nose and mouth, and wherever else the blows happened to fall, and threw him down stairs. They there beat him again, pushed him into the street, and dragged him to a place of confinement. Other brethren were subjected to similar violence, until the mob became so outrageous that the governor and judge were obliged to interfere.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 270.

At Trebizond, a young man, refusing to sign the recantation, was beaten on the soles of his feet, the vartabed aiding with his own hands in inflicting the blows. He was afterwards thrown into a miserable stable as a prison; water was plentifully poured upon the cold, damp ground on which he stood with mangled feet; his hands were tied behind him by the two thumbs; a rope was passed under his shoulders and fastened to a beam over his head; and in this torturing condition he was left to stand during the night. Orders were also issued that no one should give him food. After being kept here nearly two days, with some mitigations, and repeatedly importuned to sign the recantation, with terrific threatenings in case he did not, the sufferer was induced to yield. The ecclesiastics were encouraged by this to bastinado and imprison all who refused to comply. Those who could, fled to the house of the missionary, and ten men were at one time lodged in the chapel, and fed at his table.

This mode of proceeding could not continue. The British Consul interposed and gave information to the Pasha, who arrested the barbarous proceedings, and virtually advised the brethren to secede from their persecuting Church. Mr. Powers thought the effect of these sufferings had been salutary on all the brethren.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1806, [sic, 1846?] pp. 298-300.

Another case occurred at the remote station of Erzroom, and I mention it because of the extreme violence of the persecutors, though regretting that they partially gained their point. The man was a recent convert, but his answers when interrogated, were so judicious and decisive, and so sustained by Scripture proofs that his adversaries were unable to reply. The main question was, whether he would worship the sacred pictures. This he refused to do, whereupon he was severely bastinadoed; and afterwards some of the priests kicked him, spat in his face, and smote him on the face, till the blood gushed from his nose and mouth. He was then put in chains, and thrust into a cold prison, without being allowed water to wash the blood from his face, though he earnestly requested it.

During the evening two priests went to his prison, and he begged them to secure his removal to a stable. They called him a dog, and told him he could receive no favor unless he submitted in everything. This he said he could never do. He was afterwards removed to a stable, and the next day was brought before his persecutors and required to sign a creed they had drawn up. This he did, after the most objectionable parts had been erased. Emboldened by this, and by the refusal of the Pasha to protect the sufferer, the ecclesiastics next Sabbath ordered the same man to appear before them, and he was immediately thrust into prison. In the evening he was taken into the church and brought before the altar, where, in the presence of a great multitude, curses were heaped upon him without measure. The vartabed who performed this service, used language fitted to stir up the worst passions of the people; many of whom being partially intoxicated, became so enraged that when the brother was conducted to the vartabed's room they grossly abused him, not only by words, but by blows and spitting in his face. They crowded the door, declaring that he was worthy of death, and that they were ready to shed his blood, even if for so doing, they should have to shed their own, and it was with difficulty they were prevented from rushing upon him. Indeed some actually entered and kicked him on the head as he was seated on the floor, without one word of rebuke from the ecclesiastics. Their object was to compel him to sign a paper recently sent them by the Patriarch. He told them he could never heartily sign such a paper. "No matter about your heart," they exclaimed, "perform the outward act." In consequence of this remark, and terrified by the mob, which seemed panting to lay violent hands upon him, and into the midst of whom he was to be thrust if he did not sign his name, he at length yielded, and the next morning his sentence of excommunication was revoked.

A month later, this man much regretted having done so, even under such a pressure, and had no thought of abandoning the new religious life. He continued his efforts to enlighten the dark minds of those to whom he had access, though by so doing, he exposed himself to new trials.1

1 Mr. Peabody, in Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 265-267.

CHAPTER XXIII.

THE ARMENIANS.

1846-1848.

We are now in the middle of the year 1846. Hitherto no one has voluntarily separated himself from the Armenian community. The so-called "schismatics" were made such by the exscinding act of the Patriarch himself. For nearly six months anathemas had been dealt out in the patriarchal church every Sabbath until many of the people grew weary of them. Through ecclesiastical influence, bread and water were still withheld from many Protestant families by the dealers in those articles, and everything was done that could be done with impunity to afflict those who remained steadfast in the truth; nor did the Patriarch or the magnates give them any hope of relief, except through unconditional submission to their demands. Their only earthly hope was in the Protestant Ambassadors, and in Reschid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Sir Stratford Canning, the English Ambassador, whose noble efforts for religious liberty in Turkey are worthy of all praise, did not cease urging the government to secure to their Protestant subjects the right of pursuing their lawful callings without molestation. As to sureties for those who were excluded from their shops and business, he represented that the demands of the law might be met by their becoming sureties for one another. He at length succeeded, and Reschid Pasha, who soon became Grand Vizier, gave orders that the Protestants be permitted to resume their business on this condition. A new officer was put in the place of the one who had turned a deaf ear to their petitions. When summoned before him, they declared themselves to be Armenians, and he told them it was "Protestants," whom he was to allow to open their shops. They had never adopted that name, as it had been applied to them by their enemies by way of reproach,—as probably the term "Christian" was to the disciples at Antioch,—but called themselves the "Gospellers," or "Evangelists." But now, whether they wished it or not, they were constrained to adopt the designation of "Protestants."

A letter from the Grand Vizier, written at this time to the Pasha of Erzroom, also recognized them as Protestants. It was the first document issued by the Turkish government for their protection, and began with stating, that certain Armenians at Erzroom, who had embraced the Protestant faith, were represented to the government as suffering various forms of persecution, from which they prayed to be delivered. The Grand Vizier says that the same thing had occurred at the capital, where the Protestants, having been anathematized by the Patriarch, were cut off from both social and commercial intercourse with their countrymen. While the Sultan would not interfere with the spiritual duties of the Patriarch, he could not allow his Protestant subjects to be hindered in their lawful pursuits. As the Armenian Primate had converted the law, requiring every subject entering into business to provide sureties for his good behavior, into an instrument of oppression, by refusing to accept Protestants as sureties for each other, the Pasha was to see that they had the same liberty, in this respect, as was enjoyed by their countrymen. This was their privilege at Constantinople, and the Grand Vizier hoped the Pasha of Erzroom would secure the same for them in his province.

The Patriarch had left no means untried to break up the seminary at Bebek, and succeeded in taking away seventeen out of the twenty-seven students. But five of them soon returned, and ten others speedily joined the institution. About half of the ten were young men of good intellectual capacity and mature faith, who had fallen under the anathema of the Patriarch. Shutting up their shops had sent them to the seminary, where their minds would be disciplined, and where, studying the history of the Church, and comparing the past and present with God's Word, they would be prepared to comprehend the Oriental Apostasy. Of the other five, three were from anathematized families, and two were without relatives. A lad, who had been expelled from his father's house because he was a Protestant, was about to enter the seminary, through the influence of a young man who had left it because of the failure of his eyes. His father carried both to the patriarchate; and the Patriarch, who had declared himself no persecutor, condemned them to imprisonment, with hard labor and the wearing of a heavy chain day and night. The father repented of his cruelty and implored their release, but in vain. It was only when the Patriarch understood that the father was carrying the case before the English Ambassador, that he released the son. The other youth remained in irons; and the reply of the Turkish authorities to repeated petitions was, that he had been committed for crime. The missionaries believed him entirely innocent, and truly pious. We are obliged to leave this youth, after six weeks of labor begirt with a chain, in the midst of ferocious and beastly criminals, refusing to accept deliverance on condition of subscribing the Patriarch's creed.

This persecution changed the seminary into a theological school. More instruction was given in ecclesiastical history, especially, in regard to the introduction of doctrinal errors, and more attention was paid to the exposition of the written Word. A select class was formed for the study of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and care was taken to have the pastors of the reformed churches men of faith and prayer, strong in the Scriptures, and able to expose the antichristian character of the nominal Churches round about them.

A seminary for young ladies had been opened in Pera, in the autumn of 1845. Eight were then admitted, and five more some months later. As the pupils came from evangelical families, most of them had received some instruction at their homes. They could read in the New Testament with more or less readiness when they entered, and they made good proficiency in their studies. Several of them were excommunicated by name, and nearly all belonged to excommunicated families; so that the sympathies of all were enlisted on the side of evangelical truth, though only two or three of the older ones were regarded as hopefully pious. The school was under the charge of Mrs. Everett and Miss Lovell.

On the 21st of June, 1846, a great feast day in the Armenian Church, the Patriarch issued a new anathema against all who remained firm to evangelical principles; and decreed that it be publicly read, at each annual return of this festival, in all the Armenian churches throughout the empire. The Protestants were thus cast out forever. They had no power to organize themselves into a civil community; but it was clearly their duty to secure for themselves and their children, as far as they could, the spiritual privileges of the Gospel. Nothing remained for them but to organize themselves into a separate church, and this they resolved to do.

They made a written request to the missionaries for aid in this matter, having themselves no experience. A meeting was accordingly held in Constantinople of delegates from the different stations of the Armenian mission. Messrs. Allan and Koenig, missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland to the Jews, were present by invitation; and also Dr. Pomroy, of Bangor in Maine, and Mr. Laurie, then on his way home from Syria. Though the meeting was composed of two or three different denominations of Christians, there was the most entire harmony in the discussions, and a plan then drawn up for the organization of the Evangelical Armenian church, was agreed to by a unanimous vote.

The evangelical Armenians in Constantinople came together on the first day of July for the public recognition of the church. After the reading of the Scriptures and prayer, the plan of organization, confession of faith, covenant, and rules of discipline, were read, with such explanations as seemed necessary. Those present were then requested to rise and give their assent to the articles of faith and to the covenant. All rose, and the articles were again read, at the end of which all audibly responded, "We do thus believe." In like manner they audibly assented to the covenant. The missionaries and others then rose, and, as the representatives of Protestant Evangelical Churches, publicly acknowledged them as a true church of Jesus Christ. Their names were then recorded, amounting to forty, three of whom were women.

Thus was constituted the First Evangelical Armenian Church of Constantinople. As soon as the names of members had been recorded, they proceeded to the choice of a Pastor by ballot, and the unanimous choice fell upon Apisoghom Khachadûrian, of whom honorable mention was made in the preceding chapter. The other church officers were then elected; and the church unanimously requested Mr. Dwight to act as helper in the pastoral office, which he consented to do.

After one week, an Ecclesiastical Council, invited by the church, assembled to ordain the pastor elect. It consisted of the missionaries of the Board resident at Constantinople, and Mr. Allan, missionary of the Free Church of Scotland. The candidate was examined, in the presence of the church, as to his personal piety, his views in entering the ministry, as to the doctrines of the Gospel, church government, the sacraments, and the duties of the pastoral office. He had been educated in the school of Peshtimaljian, had for years been in constant intercourse with the missionaries, had attended courses of exegetical and theological lectures in the seminary, and had received much private instruction. More than all, he possessed an experimental knowledge of religion, and seemed eminently taught by the Holy Spirit. His clear perception of evangelical truth, his power in argument, his impressive manner, his superior judgment, his boldness, and his general weight of character, plainly singled him out as the man, whom God had called to that position.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 231. Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 317-320, 357.

The new church lost no time in setting forth to their countrymen a declaration of their faith, and their reasons for the steps they had taken; which they did in a pamphlet issued in the Armenian language.1

1 See Missionary Herald, 1846, p, 356.

Churches on the same basis were formed at Nicomedia and Adabazar in July, and at Trebizond early in the autumn. There were disturbances at each of these places, but the Mohammedan authorities showed a disposition to repress them promptly.1

1 See Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 368-370.

The church at the metropolis was soon called to suffer affliction in the death of its beloved pastor, on the 12th of March, 1847. His disease was brain fever, occasioned by an exciting missionary visit to Nicomedia, where the church was about calling his brother to be their pastor. From the nature of the disease, he was mainly without the use of his reason; but a few hours before his death, while Mr. Dwight was present, the cloud passed from his mind, and they enjoyed a most delightful interview. "There were present," says the missionary, "besides his own relatives, his two deacons, and several of the brethren and sisters of the church, and their joy was unbounded when they heard their dying pastor, with restored reason, giving such clear testimony of the all-sufficiency of Christ to support him in that trying hour. At the end of every answer he gave to my inquiries, they cried out all over the room, "Bless the Lord," "Glory to God," unable to restrain their gratitude that God had given him grace and opportunity to bear such a testimony. I have been present at many Christian death-beds of the people of God, but I can truly say, that I never witnessed anything so deeply affecting. I afterwards led in prayer. Our departing brother uttered a loud Amen at the end of every sentence, and his reason then left him to return no more on earth."

I cannot refrain from quoting here the testimony of so judicious, an observer as Mr. Dwight, concerning the wife of the pastor. "She is a person every way fitted to be a pastor's wife. She is one of the most intelligent, pious, and lovely women I have known in this country. Indeed, in native intellectual power and in piety, she has few superiors anywhere."

Der Haritûn had long been the spiritual leader at Nicomedia; but when a church was formed, and there was need of one who should be both a pastor and preacher, he as a priest, having never learned to preach, and having almost reached the age of sixty, meekly gave place to one who was better qualified to preach the Gospel with power and effect, and now took the place of a deacon.

The reader will remember the manner in which the reformation arose among the Armenians of Aintab, through the labors of Bedros Vartabed.1 It is worthy of notice, that while the letter of Mr. Thomson was on its way to Constantinople, and before his visit became known to the Prudential Committee, they had directed the Constantinople brethren to send Mr. Van Lennep on a visit to Aleppo and Aintab. Mr. Van Lennep estimated the number of Armenian families in the place at fifteen hundred. The people were rude and ignorant, but they were residents, and not sojourners, as were most of the Armenians at Aleppo. He had visitors from morning till night, and the conversation was confined to the great subjects of salvation and eternal life. All the people knew the reason of his coming, and therefore were anxious for instruction on those great questions. Meetings were well attended. About ten men appeared to have been truly converted. The people were very anxious to have a missionary reside among them, but this was not possible at that time.

1 See chapter xxi.

The next visit was by Mr. Johnston, who remained three months at Aleppo, till the way was open to Aintab. Meanwhile three were chosen from among the brethren to go and study the Scriptures with him at Aleppo. Their names were Avedis, Sarkis, and Krikor, all under thirty years of age. Mr. Johnston went to Aintab in September, and was subjected to a quarantine of twelve days on his arrival. Bedros accompanied him, and they called on the Governor. The Catholicos of Sis, the spiritual head of the Church, arrived soon after to oppose the missionary. Mr. Johnston was fully occupied, however, with the numerous inquirers, and there was no way for the opposers but to induce the Pasha to drive him from the place. In this they succeeded, but not until the time that he himself had set for his departure. He and his companions were followed, as they left the town on the 14th of December, by attendants of the Catholicos reviling and throwing stones. No reason was assigned by the Governor for permitting this outrage, and he was shortly afterwards removed from office. Remonstrances from the American Minister at the Porte, were supposed to be among the causes of his removal.

Meanwhile Dr. Azariah Smith was traversing regions in eastern Turkey, which have since become endeared to the friends of missions, and reached Aintab just after Mr. Johnston left. A tumult was raised at once, with the hope of driving him away also, but without success. Having a firman, he refused to go without first seeing the Governor, and his medical profession and practice were in his favor. He remained until March, and before leaving gathered the hopeful converts into a church, which has since proved to be one of the most prosperous in Turkey. On his departure, a number of the brethren accompanied him a considerable distance, and parted after uniting in prayer for each other, and for the cause of their Redeemer and Saviour. Bedros, however, whom he left behind to look after the infant church, was soon expelled. Mr. Schneider labored there in the summer and until some time in the autumn.

Still the position of the Protestants was everywhere one of trial. They were separated from the Armenian community, but not united with any other. The government, though determined to protect them from persecution, did not know exactly what to do. The municipal regulations of Constantinople forbad marriage, baptism, or burial without the cognizance of the civil power. To obtain a permit for marriage, it was necessary to present to the head of the police a certificate from the Patriarch; and the Patriarch must report the name of every baptized child to the same officer for enrolment. Before every burial, permission must be obtained from the Board of Health, and this also must be through the Patriarch. Then every traveller must have a passport, which could not be obtained without a voucher from the Patriarch. It had become quite obvious, that the Patriarch could no longer act as their civil representative at the Porte.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 241.

In order to promote the internal peace of the empire, the Sultan found it necessary to reduce the power of the Armenian Patriarch, by appointing a council of laymen, for secular matters, and another of ecclesiastics and laymen, for matters spiritual; the Patriarch not being allowed to act without their sanction.

The number of Protestant Armenians, including men, women and children, now separated from their former churches, was about one thousand. Nearly three thousand more were known to entertain Protestant sentiments, though still retaining a loose connection with their former churches. Those who were more or less awakened to a knowledge of their errors, and secretly desired the progress of the reformation, must have amounted to several thousands more; but of these no accurate estimate could be made.

The six churches formed previous to May, 1848, were as yet small, the whole number of members being only one hundred and sixty-six. Ninety-nine were at Constantinople, twenty-six at Nicomedia, twelve at Adabazar, sixteen at Trebizond, five at Erzroom, and eight at Aintab. But neither the number of church members, nor the size of the congregations, nor the number of those who came to the missionaries for religious conversation, told the whole story. There was a deep movement going on in the Armenian community itself, which might be expected to produce great changes in the whole body. In some of the churches there were contentions, occasioned chiefly by their inexperience in self-government, and their ignorance of the proper modes of acting under their new circumstances. In Trebizond, it became necessary to separate two of the church members by a formal vote of excision. But this event, though exceedingly trying to the infant community, as well as to the missionaries at the station, was overruled for good. By the divine blessing on such experiences, the self-governing power usually gains strength.

Baron Simon was ordained pastor of the bereaved church in Constantinople, in place of his brother. Baron Haritûn Manasian was ordained pastor of the churches in Nicomedia and Adabazar, and was to spend one fourth of his time in the latter place. Both were from the seminary at Bebek.

During the year ending May, 1848, the seminary containing forty-seven scholars, and the school for girls containing twenty-three, were both favored with what may be called a revival, which added several from each of them to the church; and there was a similar awakening in both institutions in the following year. The work of the Holy Spirit was distinctly traceable also at Aintab, Aleppo, Killis, Arabkir, and other places in the interior. The houses of worship in Pera, and in the city proper, were crowded on the Sabbath, and nearly every week new persons were present.

END OF VOLUME FIRST.

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Table of Contents

- HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS OF THE AMERICAN BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

- PREFACE.

- CONTENTS.

- MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

- INTRODUCTION.

- MISSIONS TO THE ORIENTAL CHURCHES.

- CHAPTER I.

- CHAPTER II.

- CHAPTER III.

- CHAPTER IV.

- CHAPTER V.

- CHAPTER VI.

- CHAPTER VII.

- CHAPTER VIII.

- CHAPTER IX.

- CHAPTER X.

- CHAPTER XI.

- CHAPTER XII.

- CHAPTER XIII.

- CHAPTER XIV.

- CHAPTER XV.

- CHAPTER XVI.

- CHAPTER XVII.

- CHAPTER XVIII.

- CHAPTER XIX.

- CHAPTER XX.

- CHAPTER XXI.

- CHAPTER XXII.

- CHAPTER XXIII.

- END OF VOLUME FIRST.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE