Fort Ticonderoga: A Short History
Date: 2017-09-16T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Fort Ticonderoga (N.Y.) -- History

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Title: Fort Ticonderoga: A Short History

Author: Stephen H. P. Pell

Release date: September 16, 2017 [eBook #55561]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FORT TICONDEROGA: A SHORT HISTORY ***

Cover: Montcalm Congratulating His Victorious Troops,
Battle of Carillon, Fort Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758.

Fort Ticonderoga: Looking South, Up Lake Champlain

Fort Ticonderoga
A Short History

Compiled from Contemporary Sources
By S. H. P. Pell

Profusely Illustrated

Reprinted for the Fort Ticonderoga Museum
1966

2

“The little bronze flint and tinder box illustrated, was found in 1888 by the present Museum Director, then a small boy. His brother dislodged a stone while they were climbing around the fort. Under the stone was this box with flint and tinder in it. Bronze and of French design, it must have belonged to some important officer, probably Montcalm de Levis, Bougainville or Bourlamacque. The busts represent Cupid and Psyche; the faces are extraordinarily beautiful and expressive. The box measures 2¼ by 1¼ inches.

I consider this box and the back plate for the suit of half-armor (found a few years ago) the most interesting of the thousands of articles found at the Fort.

This little box stimulated the Director’s interest. Even as a small boy he hoped some day to preserve and perhaps restore Fort Ticonderoga. Many a year was to pass before this dream could become a reality.”

Flint and Tinder Box Which Started the Fort Ticonderoga Collection (Found by S. H. P. Pell, when a small boy) (Drawing by Herbert Sherlock of North Canton, Ohio)
BUSTS in CENTER of TOP and BOTTOM of CASE
BOX OPEN SHOWING INTERIOR
DETAIL of FLOWER DESIGN
and BORDER
REAR of HINGE

3

CONTENTS

PAGE

The Aborigines, Chapter One 9

Champlain, Chapter Two 11

The Building of the Fort, Chapter Three 19

Abercromby’s Defeat, Chapter Four 27

The Amherst Campaign, Chapter Five 47

The Calm Before the Storm, Chapter Six 53

Ethan Allen, Chapter Seven 54

Montgomery, Knox, Valcour Island, Chapter Eight 67

Burgoyne Takes the Fort and Brown Fails to Retake it, Chapter Nine 83

The Military History Ends, Chapter Ten 91

The Restoration of Fort Ticonderoga, Chapter Eleven 93

The Fort Ticonderoga Museum 113

The Book Shelf 115

The Fort Ticonderoga Association 117

4

Major Robert Rogers and An Indian Chief

5

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Fort Ticonderoga Inside Front Cover

Flint and Tinder Box 2

Major Robert Rogers and an Indian Chief 4

Airview of Fort Ticonderoga and Surrounding Country 6

Indian Costumes 8

Champlain and the Iroquois, Near Ticonderoga 10

Marquis de Lotbiniere 14

Marquis de Vaudreuil 18

Part of the Original Instructions to de Lotbiniere 20

Major Robert Rogers 22

Wounding of Baron Dieskau 24

Abercromby’s Expedition, Embarking at Head of Lake George 26

The Marquis de Montcalm 28

Brig. General Lord Howe 30

Duc de Levis 32

Plan of Town and Fort (Insert) 32-33

Major General Israel Putnam 34

Replica of the Cross Erected by General Montcalm 44

Montcalm Congratulating His Victorious Troops 45

Major Robert Rogers’ Battle on Snowshoes in 1757 46

Sir Jeffrey Amherst 48

General Amherst and the Burning Fort 50

Ethan Allen 54

Catamount Tavern, Where Plans Were Laid to Capture Fort 57

Ethan Allen and Captain Delaplace 59

Letter from Ethan Allen 60-61

Allen Needs You at Ti 63

Ethan Allen’s Blunderbuss 65

Benedict Arnold 66

Major General Richard Montgomery 68

General Knox 70

General Knox Moving Cannon from Ticonderoga to Cambridge 72

Rig of Fleet at Valcour Island 74

Map of the Attack and Defeat of the American Fleet 76

General Schuyler 78

Major-General Arthur St. Clair 79

Major-General Horatio Gates 80

Ticonderoga and Its Dependencies, 1776 81

The Massacre of Jane McCrea 82

General John Burgoyne 84

The Battle of Saratoga 86

Surrender of Burgoyne 88

George Washington at Halfway Brook 90

Stephen H. P. Pell 92

The Pavilion 94

Fort Ticonderoga and the Pavilion, 1827 96

The Silver Bullet 98

Restoration Model of Fort Ticonderoga 100

Thomas Cole Painting of Fort, Early 1820’s 101

Entrance to Place D’Armes 103

The Place D’Armes 105

Fort Ticonderoga in 1959 107

The Ethan Allen Door 109

George Washington in Uniform of American General 112

Powder Horn Map Made at Mount Independence 1776 114

Flag Bastion 118

Fort Ticonderoga: South Barracks Inside Back Cover

7

Airview of Fort Ticonderoga Showing Strategic Location of Mount Defiance, Beyond Which Is Lake George

8

Indian Costumes, From Lafitau. 1, Iroquois; 2, Algonquin

9

CHAPTER ONE
The Aborigines

When Columbus was landing in the West Indies, and discovering America, the Champlain Valley was thickly populated. There are signs of Indian village sites all along the shores and the thousands of stone implements, arrow and spear points, scrapers, hatchets, pestles and mortars that are turned up each year indicate an occupation of hundreds, probably thousands, of years. But when the first white man arrived all was silence and desolation. The fierce Iroquois from the south had not long before slaughtered the peaceful Algonquin Indians and driven the survivors back into the mountains, where they were living a hand to mouth existence. In fact so degenerate had they become that the Iroquois referred to them as “Adirondacks” or “Bark-eaters,” because of their necessity of depending on the bark of trees during the winter when game was scarce. Remains of these people are so many that for a hundred years arrow heads and other stone implements have been found on the shore of the lake under the walls of the Fort and yet each rain and wind storm discloses new ones. These Indians were a partly agricultural people as shown by the many bits of pottery and hoes that are found, but little is definitely known of them or their habits.

10

Champlain and the Iroquois Near Ticonderoga, July 30, 1609 From “Champlain’s Life and Travels, 1613”

11

CHAPTER TWO
Champlain

In May, 1609, the same year that Hendrick Hudson discovered and named Hudson’s River, Samuel de Champlain with a contingent of eleven Frenchmen, a small body of Montagnais Indians and between two and three hundred Hurons left Quebec on an exploring expedition to the south.

At the rapids of the Richelieu, Champlain quarreled with his Indians, who had assured him that there was smooth water from the St. Lawrence to the great lake to the south. Three-quarters of them went home and with them he sent all but two of his white companions. His force now consisted of three Frenchmen and sixty Montagnais and Hurons.

They traveled in twenty-four canoes and soon entered Lake Champlain, and, as they now were approaching the Iroquois country, they traveled by night and hid in the woods by day.

Champlain’s own description of his discovery and the battle at Ticonderoga from his “Voyages and Discoveries” published in Paris, 1613 ... reads as follows:

“We left next day, continuing our route along the river as far as the mouth of the Lake. Here are a number of beautiful, but low islands filled with very fine woods and prairies, a quantity of game and wild animals, such as stags, deer, fawns, roe-bucks, bears and other sorts of animals that come from the main land to the said islands. We caught a quantity of them. There is also quite a number of beavers, as well in the river as in several other streams which fall into it. These parts, though agreeable, are not inhabited by any Indians, in consequence of their wars. They retire from the rivers as far as possible, deep into the country, in order not to be so soon discovered.

12

“Next day we entered the lake, which is of considerable extent; some 50 or 60 leagues in length, where I saw 4 beautiful islands, 10, 12 and 15 leagues in length formerly inhabited, as well as the Iroquois river, by Indians, but abandoned since they have been at war the one with the other.

“Several rivers, also, discharge into the lake, surrounded by a number of fine trees similar to those we have in France, with a quantity of vines handsomer than any I ever saw; a great many chestnuts, and I have not yet seen except the margin of the lake, where there is a large abundance of fish of divers species. Among the rest there is one called by the Indians of the country Chaousarou, the divers lengths. The largest I was informed by the people, are of eight to ten feet. I saw one of 5, as thick as a thigh, with a head as big as two fists, with jaws two feet and a half long, and a double set of very sharp and dangerous teeth. The form of the body resembles that of the pike, and it is armed with scales that a thrust of a poniard cannot pierce; and is of a silver grey colour. The point of the snout is like that of a hog. This fish makes war on all others in the lakes and rivers and possesses, as those people assure me, a wonderful instinct; which is, that when it wants to catch any birds, it goes among the rushes or reeds, bordering the lake in many places, keeping the beak out of the water without budging, so that when the birds perch on his beak, imagining it a limb of a tree, it is so subtle that closing the jaws which it keeps half open, it draws the birds under water by the feet. The Indians gave me a head of it, which they prize highly, saying, when they have a headache they let blood with the teeth of this fish at the seat of the pain which immediately goes away.

“Continuing our route along the west side of the lake, contemplating the country, I saw on the east side very high mountains capped with snow. I asked the Indians if those parts were inhabited? They answered me, Yes, and that they were Iroquois, and that there were in those parts beautiful valleys, and fields fertile in corn as good as I had ever eaten 13 in the country, with an infinitude of other fruits, and that the lake extended close to the mountains, which were, according to my judgment, 15 leagues from us. I saw others, to the South, not less high than the former; only, that they were without snow. The Indians told me it was there we were to go to meet their enemies, and that they were thickly inhabited, and that we must pass by a waterfall which I afterwards saw, and thence enter another lake three or four leagues, long, and having arrived at its head, there were 4 leagues overland to be traveled to pass to a river which flows toward the coast of the Almouchiquois, tending towards that of the Almouchiquois, and that they were only two days going there in their canoes, as I understood since from some prisoners we took, who, by means of some Algonquin interpreters, who were acquainted with the Iroquois language, conversed freely with me about all they had noticed.

“Now, on coming within about two or three days journey of the enemy’s quarters, we traveled only by night and rested by day. Nevertheless, they never omitted their usual superstitions to ascertain whether their enterprise would be successful, and often asked me whether I had dreamed and seen their enemies. I answered no; and encouraged them and gave them good hopes. Night fell, and we continued our journey until morning when we withdrew into the picket fort to pass the remainder of the day there. About ten or eleven o’clock I lay down after having walked some time around our quarters, and falling asleep, I thought I beheld our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning within sight of us in the Lake near a mountain; and being desirous to save them, that our savage allies told me that I must let them all perish as they were good for nothing. On awakening, they did not omit, as usual to ask me, if I had any dream, I did tell them, in fact, what I had dreamed. It gained such credit among them that they no longer doubted but they should meet with success.

14

Marquis de Lotbiniere

15

“At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue our journey, and as we advanced very softly and noiselessly, we encountered a war party of Iroquois, on the twenty-ninth of the month, about ten o’clock, at night, at the point of a cape which juts into the lake on the west side. They and we began to shout, each seizing his arms. We withdrew towards the water and the Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their canoes, the one beside the other, and began to hew down trees with villainous axes, which they sometimes got in war, and others of stone, and fortified themselves very securely.

“Our party, likewise, kept their canoes arranged the one alongside the other, tied to poles so as not to run adrift, in order to fight all together should need be. We were on the water about an arrow-shot from their barricades.

“When they were armed and in order, they sent two canoes from the fleet to know if their enemies wished to fight, who answered they desired nothing else; but that just then, there was not much light, and that we must wait for day to distinguish each other, and that they would give us battle at sun rise. This was agreed to by our party. Meanwhile the whole night was spent in dancing and singing, as well on one side as on the other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other taunts, such as the little courage we had; how powerless our resistance against their arms, and that when day would break we should experience this to our ruin. Ours, likewise, did not fail in repartee; telling them they should witness the effects of arms they had never seen before; and a multitude of other speeches, as is usual at a siege of a town. After the one and the other had sung, danced and parliamented enough, day broke. My companions and I were always concealed, for fear the enemy should see us preparing our arms the best we could, being however separated, each in one of the canoes belonging to the savage Montagnais. After being equipped with light armour we took each an arquebus and went ashore. I saw 16 the enemy leave their barricade; they were about 200 men, of strong and robust appearance, who were coming slowly towards us, with a gravity and assurance which greatly pleased me, led on by three Chiefs. Our’s were marching in similar order, and told me that those who bore three lofty plumes were the Chiefs, and that there were but these three and they were to be recognized by those plumes, and that I must do all I could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, and that I was very sorry they could not clearly understand me, so as to give them the order and plan of attacking their enemies, as we should indubitably defeat them all; but there was no help for that; that I was very glad to encourage them and to manifest to them my good will when we should be engaged.

“The moment we landed they began to run about two hundred paces toward their enemies who stood firm, and had not yet perceived my companions, who went into the bush with some savages. Our’s commenced calling me in a loud voice, and making way for me, opened in two parts, and placed me at their head, marching about 20 paces in advance, until I was within 30 paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me, they halted, gazing at me and I at them. When I saw them preparing to shoot at us, I raised my arquebus, and aiming directly at one of the three Chiefs, two of them fell to the ground by this shot and one of their companions received a wound of which he died afterwards. I had put 4 balls in my arquebus. Our’s on witnessing a shot so favorable for them, set up such tremendous shouts that thunder could not have been heard; and yet, there was no lack of arrows on one side and the other. The Iroquois were greatly astonished seeing two men killed so instantaneously, notwithstanding they were provided with arrow-proof armour woven of cotton-thread and wood; this frightened them very much. Whilst I was reloading, one of my companions in the bush fired a shot, which so astonished them anew, seeing their Chiefs slain, that they lost courage, took flight and abandoned the field and their fort, hiding 17 themselves in the depths of the forest, whither pursuing them, I killed some others. Our savages also killed several of them and took ten or twelve prisoners. The rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen of ours were wounded by arrows; they were promptly cured.

“After having gained the victory, they amused themselves plundering Indian corn and meal from the enemy; also their arms which they had thrown away in order to run the better. And having feasted, danced and sung, we returned three hours afterwards with the prisoners.

“The place where this battle was fought is in 43 degrees some minutes latitude, and I named it Lake Champlain.”

Historians agree that this fight took place on the low ground, northeast of the Fort at Ticonderoga. It was the Iroquois’ first introduction to firearms and forever alienated that great fighting confederation from the French.

18

Marquis de Vaudreuil

19

CHAPTER THREE
The Building of the Fort

From 1609 to 1755 nothing of great interest happened at Ticonderoga. War parties, explorers and traders passed up and down the lake in a steady stream, but few left records. The English pushed north as far as the south end of Lake George and built Fort William Henry; the French, as far south as Crown Point and built Fort St. Frederic. All between was a wild country, claimed by both France and Great Britain.

In 1755 Michel Chartier, afterwards Marquis de Lotbiniere, under instruction from the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor-General of New France, came down from Crown Point to select a site for a new fort. His aide-memoire from de Vaudreuil is in the Fort Library. In October he started cutting the great trees and leveling the ground to build the stone fortress which he first called Fort Vaudreuil, but which was afterwards given the name of Carillon, “A Chime of Bells,” named from the sound of the falls where the water from Lake George runs into Lake Champlain. He employed the garrison from Crown Point and at one time as many as 2,000 men were at work and made extraordinary progress, considering that he was erecting a fort in the wilderness.

Robert Rogers, the famous ranger, several times during the building of the Fort reconnoitered and reported on the progress of the work. September 9, 1756, he says:

“I was within a mile of Ticonderoga fort where I endeavored to reconnoitre the enemy’s works and strength. They were engaged in raising the walls of the fort and erecting a large blockhouse near the southeast corner of the fort with ports in it for cannon. East from the blockhouse was a battery which I imagined commanded the lake.”

20

Part of the Original Instructions for de Lotbiniere to Start Construction of Fort Ticonderoga
(This manuscript is in the Fort Library)

21

He also reports the French to be building a sawmill at the lower end of the falls. On Christmas Eve, 1757, Rogers got close enough to kill about seventeen head of cattle and set fire to the wood piles of the garrison. To the horns of one of the cattle, he attached a note to the commander of the fort:

“I am obliged to you, sir, for the repose you have allowed me to take. I thank you for the fresh meat you have sent me. I will take care of my prisoners. I request you to present my compliments to the Marquis de Montcalm.

(Signed) “Rogers, Commander of the Independent Companies.”

In 1755, Baron de Dieskau had gone from Crown Point to attack Sir William Johnson at Lake George. Dieskau was wounded, and his defeated army fought their way back to Ticonderoga.

In March, 1758, Rogers’ famous battle on snowshoes was fought a few miles from Ticonderoga when the French under Captain Durentaye, commanding a party of Indians and Canadians, captured and destroyed most of his force.

The guns which De Lotbiniere mounted on the Fort were mostly from Crown Point and Montreal but some were brought from Fort William Henry in 1757 when Montcalm captured that fort from Lieut. Col. Munro. It was after Munro’s surrender that the famous massacre of Fort William Henry occurred. The British garrison was marching unarmed to Fort Edward when it was attacked by Montcalm’s Indians. The French officers did their best to protect the garrison but many were slain.

De Lotbiniere wrote to the Minister from Carillon on the 31st October, 1756:

22

Major Robert Rogers

23

“My Lord:—

“I was so much occupied last year at the departure of the last ships that it was not possible for me to render you an account of the St. Frederic campaign, which M. de Vaudreuil ordered me to begin immediately after M. de Dieskau’s affair. I left with orders to examine the Carillon Point ... where the waters of the Grande Baye and of Lake St. Sacrement meet. At this point is the head of the navigation of Lake Champlain. M. de Vaudreuil feared with reason that, the enemy gaining possession of it, it would be very difficult for us to dislodge him, and that being solidly established there, [and we] would be exposed to see him appear in the midst of our settlements at the moment we least expected, it being possible for him to make during winter all necessary preparations to operate in the spring.

“I found on my arrival at St. Frederic an intrenchment begun on wrong principles which I felt obliged to continue to be agreeable to the Commandant of the Army who feared the enemy might at any moment attack the Fort. At last, on the 12th October, on the order of M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil, these works ceased and we moved the camp from St. Frederic to Carillon to begin a Fort at the location which I should find to be most suitable for such purpose.

“I decided to establish it on the ridge of rock which runs from the point to the falls of Lake St. Sacrement. As the season did not permit of our hoping to accomplish much work before winter I was obliged to restrict my efforts more than I would have liked so as to at least place the garrison under cover until the spring.

“I contented myself with reserving sufficient ground in the front for a camp of 2,000 to 3,000 men, if need be, covered by the Fort, and although I was obliged to operate in the midst of a wood without being able to see while surveying more than thirty yards ahead of me, I think I was fortunate enough to have made the best use of the ground I was ordered to fortify. We were not prepared to build in stone, having neither the material assembled nor the workmen. We were therefore obliged to line the works in oak which fortunately was plentiful on the spot. I began the parapet of the whole work which I formed in a double row of timbers distant ten feet from one another and bound together by two cross-pieces dovetailed at their extremities, to retain the timbers. This had reached the height of seven feet by the 28th November, date of the departure of the army, which could not remain longer owing to the ice beginning to form.

24

Wounding of Baron Dieskau. From a Painting in the Museum

25

“I remained until February hoping to be able to use the garrison to advance the works; but finding that it was not possible to make the garrison work, I decided to return to Montreal after the barracks had been finished, to recuperate from the fatigues of the campaign and the unwholesome food I had taken.

“I left [Montreal] this year [1756] at the end of April and arrived at the Fort the first days of May, when I resumed work which dragged on for nearly a month not having the required workmen. During this campaign we raised all the Fort to the height of the cordon. The earth ramparts were made,—the platforms of the bastions completed, a cover built for each bastion bomb-proof, two stone barracks built, the ditches of the place dug to the rock everywhere, part of the rock even removed on two fronts, the ditches of the two demi-lunes also excavated to the rock, a store-house established outside the Fort as well as a hospital. The parapet was raised on the two fronts exposed to the enemy’s batteries if he undertook to besiege this place, the exterior part of the Fort supported by masonry resting on the solid rock. The next campaign will be devoted to overhauling the main body of the place and building the two demi-lunes proposed, as well as the redoubt at the extreme of the Carillon Point. We will also work at the covered way and the glacis. There will be two barracks to build in stone in the interior of the Fort. As there is but one bastion exposed to attack I think it would be well to protect it by a counter guard. This would constitute an additional obstruction which might discourage the enemy from any attack on that side and, should he do so, I would hope that the place, once completed, he would not succeed. I would be flattered, My Lord, if you gave me 26 your orders to work with more latitude and, if you approve the counter guard which would not be very expensive, I would beg of you to order it by the first ships coming from France in order to embrace at the same time the whole works. M. le Comte de la Galissoniere to whom I communicated the information which I have acquired on this district will not let you ignore how advantageous it is and of what consequence it is to France. I presume to flatter myself, My Lord, that you will consider me for the position occupied heretofore by M. de Lery. I think I have worked in a manner to deserve it.”

It was during the summer of 1757 that De Lotbiniere started to substitute stone for most of the timbers he had used on the outer walls of the Fort.

Abercromby’s Expedition Against Fort Ticonderoga Embarking at Head of Lake George
Courtesy Glens Falls Insurance Company

27

CHAPTER FOUR
Abercromby’s Defeat

In 1758 the Fort was almost completed. General James Abercromby had gathered at the head of Lake George the greatest army ever seen on the American continent, almost 15,000 men, of which 6,000 were British regulars and the rest provincials from New England, New York and New Jersey.

In July, 1758, this great army, great for its day and place, left Fort William Henry in hundreds of batteaux and whale boats to attack Fort Carillon. It must have been an extraordinarily beautiful sight, that vast fleet of little boats filled with the Red Coats and the plaids of Highlanders. Early in the morning of July 6th the army landed on what is now known as Howe’s Cove at the northern end of Lake George. The army immediately advanced in three columns but was soon lost in the dense forest which then covered the whole country. An advance party of French under the Sieur de Trepezec had been watching the landing from what the French called Mount Pelee, but which is now called Roger’s Rock. In trying to return to the Fort they had also lost their way and met one of the advancing columns, commanded by George Augustus, Viscount Howe, a grandson of George the First of England. At the first fire Lord Howe was killed and with his death the heart went out of the army. He was the real leader of the expedition. Captain Monypenny, his aide, reported his death in the following letter:

28

The Marquis de Montcalm
(From a Pastel in the Museum.)

29

To Mr. Calcraft, dated Camp at Lake George, 11th July, 1758:

“Sir:

“It is with the utmost concern, I write you of the death of Lord Howe. On the 6th the whole army landed without opposition, at the carrying place, about seven miles from Ticonderoga. About two o’clock, they march’d in four columns, to invest the breast work, where the enemy was encamp’d, near the Fort. The Rangers were before the army and the light infantry and marksmen at the heads of the columns. We expected, and met with some opposition near a small river, which we had to cross. When the firing began on the part of the left column, Lord Howe thinking it would be of the greatest consequence, to beat the enemy with the light troops, so as not to stop the march of the main body, went up with them, and had just gained the top of the hill, where the firing was, when he was killed. Never ball had a more deadly direction. It entered his breast on the left side, and (as the surgeans say) pierced his lungs, and heart, and shattered his back bone. I was about six yards from him, he fell on his back and never moved, only his hands quivered an instant.

“The French party was about 400 men, ’tis computed 200 of them were killed, 160, whereof five are officers, are prisoners; their commanding officer, and the partizan who conducted them were killed, by the prisoner’s account, in short, very few, if any, got back.

“The loss our country has sustained in His Lordship is inexpressible, and I’m afraid irreparable. The spirit he inspired in the troops, indefatigable pains he took in forwarding the publick service, the pattern he show’d of every military virtue, can only be believed by those, who were eye witnesses of it. The confidence the army, both regular and provincial, had in his abilities as a general officer, the readiness with which every order of his, or ev’n intimation of what would be agreeable to him, was comply’d with, is almost incredible. When his body was brought into camp scarce an eye was free from tears.

“As his Lordship had chose me to act as an aide de camp to him, when he was to have commanded on the winter expedition, which did not take place, and afterwards on his being made a brigadier general, had got me appointed Brigade Major, and I had constantly lived with him since that time....”

“(Signed) Al. Monypenny.”

30

Brig. General Lord Howe

The three columns returned to the landing place on the 6th, and on the 7th the army again advanced, this time by way of the bridge over the small stream connecting Lake George with Lake Champlain. The French had destroyed the bridge in retreating but it was soon repaired. On the night of the 7th the whole army lay on their arms, in what is now the Village of Ticonderoga, and on the morning of the 8th advanced again in three columns to attack the Fort. In the meantime Montcalm had elected not to wait until the Fort was invested but to fight in the woods. With almost superhuman energy he threw an earthwork across the whole peninsula of Ticonderoga, about three-quarters of a mile from the Fort. It consisted of a great wall of logs, and an abatis of trees with their branches sharpened, a hundred feet or so from the trenches. He, himself, commanded the 31 center, the Chevalier de Lévis the right, and the Colonel de Bourlamaque the left. Early in the morning the British columns attacked. All through that hot, sultry July day the fight went on. Abercromby had established his headquarters at the French sawmill but had been deceived as to the strength of Montcalm’s defenses. In this fight the 42nd Highlanders, the famous Black Watch, suffered enormously. Many of the Highlanders fought their way through the abatis and some even reached the great log wall, only to be killed by bayonet or bullet. The Royal American, a regiment still in the British army as the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, had losses second only to the Black Watch. And at the end of the day Abercromby’s army was forced to retreat, leaving the French in command of the field. The British and Colonial losses in this fight were almost as great as the whole French defending force.

Account of the Victory Won By the Royal Troops at Carillon on the 8th Day of July, 1758

(Translated from a contemporary French manuscript report in the Museum Library)

“The Marquis de Vaudreuil, uncertain of the movements of the enemy, thought necessary at the beginning of this campaign to distribute his forces. He appointed the Chevalier de Lévis to execute a secret expedition with a picked detachment, of which 400 men were chosen from the land troops. The rest of these troops were sent by order of the Marquis de Montcalm to defend the border of Lake Saint Sacrement [Lake George]. The Marquis de Montcalm arrived at Carillon the 30th of June. The report of prisoners made a few days before left him no doubt that the enemy had gathered, near the ruins of Fort William Henry, an army of 20,000 to 25,000 men and that their intention was to advance immediately upon him.

32

Duc de Lévis

“He imparted at once this news to the Marquis de Vaudreuil and did not hesitate to take an advanced position which would deceive the enemy, retard his movement and give time for the colonial help to arrive. In consequence, le Sieur de Bourlamaque was ordered to take possession of the portage at the head of Lake Saint Sacrement, with the battalions of La Reine, of Guyenne and of Bearn. The Marquis de Montcalm, with those of La Sarre, of the Royal Roussillon, of the Languedoc Regiment and the 1st battalion of Berry, occupied personally the two banks of the Chute River, thus named because in that spot the Lake St. Sacrement, narrowed by the mountains, pours its bubbling waters into the St. Frederic River and Lake Champlain. The 2nd Berry battalion took charge of the defense and service at the Fort of Carillon.

A PLAN of
the TOWN and FORT of
CARILLON
at
TICONDEROGA;
with
the ATTACK made by the
BRITISH ARMY
Commanded by Genl. Abercrombie.
on July 1758
Engraved by
Thos. Jefferys, Geographer to his Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales.

High-resolution Map

33

“The Marquis de Montcalm made the Sieurs de Pontleroy and Désandrouins, Engineers, reconnoitre and determine a site for a fortified position which could cover this fort; and as we had only a few Canadians and only 15 savages, he took from the French battalions two troops of volunteers, the command of which was given to the Sieur Bernard, captain in the Bearn Regiment, and Duprat, captain in La Sarre Regiment.

“In the evening of the 5th scouts which we had on Lake Saint Sacrement informed us that they had seen large numbers of barges which might be and were, in fact, the vanguard of the enemy’s army. At once the order was given to the troops of the Portage and the Chute camps to take their armaments, to spend the night at the bivouac, and to clear the equipages. The volunteers of Duprat were sent to take position on a creek called the Bernetz which, flowing between the mountains that cover this part of the country, runs into the Chute River. The enemy could pass around us by the back of these mountains. It was essential to be aware of such a movement. 350 men under the command of the Sieur de Trepezec, captain in the Bearn Regiment, were detached to take a position between the Pelee Mountain and the left bank of Lake Saint Sacrement and the volunteers of Bernard occupied another post intermediary between the Pelee Mountain and the Portage camps. Measures were taken also to throw light on a possible disembarkment which the enemy might make on the right bank of the lake.

“The 6th. At four o’clock in the morning, the vanguard of the opponent’s army was located in sight of the portage. At once the Marquis de Montcalm sent orders to 34 the Sieurs de Pontleroy and Désandrouins to lay out, in front of Carillon on the ground already marked, trenches and abatis and to the 2nd Battalion of Berry to work at them with its ensigns.

Major General Israel Putnam

“The enemy began to disembark at nine o’clock; the Sieur de Bourlamaque retreated then in their presence with the 3rd battalion from the portage and in the best of order. He joined the Marquis de Montcalm who was waiting for 35 him, formed for battle, on the heights at the right bank of the Chute, with Roussillon Regiment and the first Berry Battalion; these five battalions passed the river, destroyed the bridge and combined with La Sarre and Languedoc Regiments occupied the heights which edge the left bank. This retreat would have been carried out without the loss of a single man, if the detachment of the Sieur de Trepezec had not lost its way. Abandoned by the few savages that acted as guides, it strayed in those wood-covered mountains and came, after walking 12 hours, upon an English column bound for the Chute River. Of this detachment 6 officers and about 150 soldiers were killed or made prisoners. They defended themselves a long time, but they had to retreat before a superior force. The English made an important loss in the person of Lord Howe, quartermaster general of their army and Colonel of one of the Regiments of old England.

“At six o’clock in the evening, the Sieur Duprat, having announced that the enemy was heading towards the Bernetz Creek with pioneers and that their plan was evidently to throw a bridge over it, the Marquis de Montcalm sent the order to retreat and started his own retreat towards the heights of Carillon, where he arrived at sunset. That same evening a portion of the opponents’ regular troops and Rangers occupied the two banks of the Chute River, going towards the Bernetz Creek and entrenching there. The rest of their army occupied the place of disembarkment and the portage, and entrenched there also.

“The 7th. The French army was all employed working at the abatis which had been started the day before by the 2nd Berry Battalion. The officers were setting the example and the flags were hoisted—the plan of the defences had been laid out on the heights, 650 fathoms from Carillon fort.

“On the left side it was backed up by an embankment 80 fathoms away from the Chute River, the top of which was capped by a wall. This wall was flanked by a gap 36 back of which 6 cannon were to be placed to fire at it as well as to the river. On the right it was also backed by an embankment the slope of which was not as steep as the one on the left; the plain between this hill and Lake Saint Sacrement River was bordered by a branch of the trenches and also by a battery of 4 cannon which were only placed there the day after the battle. Also the guns of the Fort were pointed toward this plain as well as at any other disembarkment which might be effected on the left.

“The center followed the sinuosities of the ground, keeping the top of the height, and all the parts flanked one another reciprocally. Several, to tell the truth, were hit there, as well as on the right and on the left by a cross fire of the enemy, but it was because we didn’t have time to put up traverses. That kind of defence was made by tree trunks put one on top of the other, and had in front of it fallen trees the branches of which, cut and sharpened, gave the effect of a chevaux de frise.

“Between 6 and 8 o’clock in the evening the piquets of our troops, detached by order of the Chevalier de Lévis, arrived at the camp and the Chevalier de Lévis himself went there at night.

“All day our volunteers fired against the Rangers of the enemy. General Abercromby with the main part of the militia and the balance made up of regular troops advanced up to the falls. He had sent there several barges and pontoons mounted with two guns each. These troops built also on the same day several trenches, one in front of the other, of which the nearest one to our abatis was hardly a cannon range away. We spent the night in bivouac along side the trenches.

“The 8th. At dawn we beat the drums so as to let all the troops know their posts for the defense of the entrenchment, following the above arrangement, which was about that in which they worked. The army was composed at the right of battalions of La Reine, La Sarre, Royal Roussillon, 37 Languedoc and Guyenne Regiments and two Berry and the one battalion of the Bearn Regiment and also of 450 Canadians or Marines which brought the total to 3,000 fighting men.

“At the left of the line they posted the Sarre and the Languedoc battalions and the two piquets that had arrived the day before. The volunteers of Bernard and Duprat were guarding the gap on the Chute River.

“The center was occupied by the first Berry Battalion, by one Royal Roussillon and by the rest of the piquets of the Chevalier de Lévis.

“Battalions of La Reine, the Bearn and the Guyenne defended the right and in the plain between the embankment of this right [flank] and the Saint Frederic River they had posted the colonial troops and the Canadians, defended also by abatis. On the whole front of the line each battalion had back of itself a company of grenadiers and a piquet in reserve to support their battalion and also to be able to move where they might be needed. The Chevalier de Lévis took charge of the right, the Sieur de Bourlamaque of the left, the Marquis de Montcalm kept the center for himself.

“This arrangement, fixed and known, the troops at once fell back to work, some of them busy improving the abatis, the rest erecting the two batteries mentioned above and a redoubt to protect the right.

“That day in the morning, Colonel [Sir William] Johnson joined the English army with 300 savages of the Five Nations with ‘Tchactas,’ the Wolf, and Captain Jacob with 140 more. Soon after we saw them, as well as some Rangers, standing on a mountain opposite Carillon on the other side of the Chute River. They even discharged much musketry which interrupted the work. We did not bother answering them.

“At half past twelve, the English army debouched upon us. The company of grenadiers, the volunteers and the 38 advanced guards retreated in good order and joined the line again. At the same movement and at a given signal all the troops took their posts.

“The left was attacked first by two columns, one of which was trying to turn the trenches and found itself under the fire of La Sarre Regiment, the other directed its efforts on a salient between the Languedoc and the Berry battalions. The center, where the Royal Roussillon was, was attacked almost at the same time by a third column; a fourth attacked the right between the Bearn and La Reine battalions. All these columns were intermingled with their Rangers and their best riflemen, covered by the trees, kept up a murderous fire.

“At the beginning of the fight several barges and pontoons coming from the Chute advanced in sight of Carillon. The steadiness of the volunteers of Bernard and Duprat, supported by Sieur de Poulharies at the head of a company of grenadiers and of a piquet of the Royal Roussillon, with a few cannon shots fired from the fort, made them retreat.

“These different attacks were almost all in the afternoon and almost everywhere of the greatest intensity.

“As the Canadians and the colonial troops had not been attacked they directed their fire upon the column which was attacking our right and which from time to time was within their range. This column, made up of English grenadiers and of Scotch Highlanders, charged repeatedly for three hours without either being rebuked or broken up, and several were killed at only fifteen feet from our lines.

“At about five o’clock the column which had attacked vigorously the Royal Roussillon threw itself back on the salient defended by the Regiment of Guyenne and by the left wing of the Bearn, the column which had attacked the right wing drew back also, so that the danger became urgent in those parts. The Chevalier de Lévis moved there with a few troops of the right [wing] at which the enemy was shooting. The Marquis de Montcalm hastened there also 39 with some of the reserves and the enemy met a resistance which slowed up, at last, their ardor.

“The left was still standing up against the firing of two columns which were endeavoring to break through that part. The Sieur de Bourlamaque had been dangerously wounded there at about 4 o’clock and Sieur de Senezeraque and de Privast, Lieutenant Colonels of La Sarre and the Languedoc Regiments were taking his place and giving the best of orders. The Marquis de Montcalm rushed there several times and took pains to have help sent there in all critical moments.

“At 6 o’clock the two columns on the right gave up attacking the Guyenne battalions and made one more attempt against the Royal Roussillon and Berry. At last, after a last effort to the left, at 7 o’clock, the enemy retreated, protected by the shooting of the Rangers, which kept on until night. They abandoned on the battlefield their dead and some of their wounded.

“The darkness of the night, the exhaustion and small number of our troops, the strength of the enemy which, in spite of its defeat, was still in numbers superior to us, the nature of these woods in which one could not, without assistance of the savages, start out against an army which must have had from 400 to 500 of them, several trenches built in echelon from the battlefield up to their camp, those are the obstacles that prevented us following the enemy in its retreat. We even thought that they would attempt to take their revenge and we worked all night to escape attack from the neighboring heights by traverses, to improve the Canadian abatis, and to finish the batteries of the left and of the right [flanks] which had been begun in the morning.

“The 9th. Our volunteers having informed the Marquis de Montcalm that the post of the Chute and of the portage seemed abandoned, he gave orders to the Chevalier de Lévis to go the next day at day break with the grenadiers, the volunteers and the Canadians to reconnoitre what had become of the enemy.

40

“The Chevalier de Lévis advanced beyond the portage. He found everywhere the vestige of a hurried flight wounded, supplies, abandoned equipage, debris of barges and charred pontoons, unquestionable proofs of the great loss which the enemy had made. We estimate it at about 4,000 men killed or wounded. Were we to believe some of them, and judge by the promptitude of their retreat, it would be still more considerable. They have lost several officers and generals, Lord Howe, Sir Spitall, Major General Commander in Chief of the forces of New York, and several others.

“The savages of the Five Nations remained as spectators at the tail of the column; they were waiting probably to declare themselves after the result of a fight which, to the English, did not seem doubtful.

“The orders which were published in their colonies for the levying and upkeep of this army, announces the general invasion of Canada and the same statements are made in all the commissions of their officers and militia. We must do them justice in saying that they attacked us with the most ardent tenacity. It is not ordinary that trenches have stood seven hours’ attack at a stretch and almost without respite.

“We owe this victory to good manœuvres of our generals before and during the action and to the extraordinary, unbelievable gallantry of our troops. All the officers of the army behaved in a way that each one of them deserves special praise. We have had about 350 men killed and wounded, 38 of which were officers.”

A British account of the fight from “An Historical Journal of the Campaigns in North America,” London, 1759, is as follows:

“A schooner arrived, from Boston, this morning; by this vessel we had the satisfaction to receive a bag of letters, some from Europe, and others from the southward, but none from the eastward; among those which I got was the following one, from my friend in the Commander in Chief’s army, dated Albany, July the 29th, 1758.

41

‘I scratched a few lines to you, on the 11th instant, from Fort Edward, and, as I wrote in great pain, I think it was scarce legible;—such, as it was, shall be glad to hear it reached you safe: in a few days after I dispatched it to you, my fever abated, and I was judged to be out of danger; for some time, however, it was apprehended I should lose my arm; as all my baggage remained here since last winter, I obtained leave to remove to this place, knowing I could be better accommodated here, than in my confined situation at Fort Edward: in my last, I promised you a particular account of our unhappy storm of the 8th instant; it is a mortifying talk, but you shall be indulged, as I know you are curious after every occurrence. It will be needless to have retrospect to any events preceding the 4th of this month, as there was not any thing remarkable, except preparing for the expedition, and embarking our provisions, stores, and artillery; the latter were mounted on floats or rafts, for the protection of our armament upon the lake, and to cover us at our landing. On the 5th, the whole army, amounting to about sixteen thousand men, embarked likewise; our transports were bateaux and whaleboats, and in such numbers as to cover the lake for a considerable length of way, as may well be supposed; we proceeded soon after in great order, and, as I was in one of the foremost divisions, as soon as we were put in motion, I think I never beheld so delightful a prospect. On the 6th, we arrived early in the morning at the cove, where we were to land: here we expected some opposition; but a party of light troops having got on shore, and finding all clear, the whole army landed without loss of time, formed into columns and marched immediately; upon our approach, an advanced guard of the enemy, consisting of several hundred regulars and savages, who were posted in a strong intrenched camp, retired very precipitately, after setting fire to their camp, and destroying almost every thing they had with them; we continued our march through dark woods and swamps that were almost impassable, till at length, having lost our way, the army being obliged to break their order of march, 42 we were perplexed, thrown into confusion, and fell in upon one another, in a most disorderly manner: it was at this time that Brigadier Lord Howe, being advanced a considerable way ahead of us, with all the light infantry, and one of our columns, came up with the before-mentioned advanced guard of the enemy, who we also suppose to have lost themselves in their retreat, when a smart skirmish ensued, in which we were victors, though with some loss; trifling, however, in comparison to that which the army sustained by his Lordship’s fall, who was killed at the first charge, and is universally regretted both by officers and soldiers; the enemy suffered much in this encounter, being very roughly handled; and we made many men and several officers prisoners. On the morning of the 7th we marched back to the landing-place, in order to give the troops time to rest and refresh themselves, being by this time not a little harrassed, as may well be conceived: here we incamped, got a fresh supply of provisions, and boiled our kettles; we had not been there many hours, when a detachment of the army (to which I belonged) were sent off under Colonel Bradstreet, to dispossess the enemy of a post they had at a saw-mill, about two miles from Ticonderoga; but they did not wait for us; for, upon receiving intelligence, by their scouts of our approach, they destroyed the mill, and a bridge that lay across the river; the latter we soon replaced, and lay, upon our arms until the evening, when we were joined by the remainder of the army. I wish I could throw a veil over what is to follow; for I confess I am at a loss how to proceed:—our army was numerous, we were in good spirits, and, if I may give you my own private opinion, I believe we were one and all infatuated with a notion of carrying every obstacle, with so great a force we had, by a mere Coup de Musqueterie; to such chimerical and romantic ideas I entirely attribute our great disaster on the 8th, in which we were confirmed by the report of our chief engineer, who had reconnoitred the enemy’s works, and determined our fate, by declaring it as his opinion, that it was very practical to carry them by a general storm; accordingly, 43 the army being formed, and every thing in readiness, we proceeded to the attack, which was as well conducted and supported as any bold undertaking ever was;—but alas! we soon found ourselves grossly deceived;—the intrenchments were different from what we had expected, and were made to believe, their breast-works were uncommonly high, and the ground in their front, for a great length of way, was covered with an Abatis de Bois, laid so close and thick, that their works were really rendered impregnable. The troops, by the cool and spirited example of the General, made many eager efforts to no purpose; for we were so intangled in the branches of the felled trees, that we could not possibly advance; the enemy were sensible of this, and remained steady at their breast-works, repeating their fire, which, from their numbers, was very weighty, and, from a conviction of their own safety, was served with great composure. Such was our situation for almost five hours, when, at length, finding our loss considerable, and no prospect of carrying our point, we were ordered to desist, and retire;—the army retreated to the ground we had occupied on the preceding night at the sawmill, and the wounded were sent off to the bateaux without delay, where the remains of our shattered forces joined us early on the ninth, and the whole re-embarked, and continued our retreat to Lake George; there we arrived the same evening and encamped. That place is computed to be about thirty miles from Ticonderoga (though I believe it is more) and fourteen from Fort Edward, whither, as also to this town (from which I now write) all the wounded were sent the next day. Our loss is indeed very considerable, as you will see by the inclosed return. The valiant Colonels Donaldson, Bever, and Major Proby, with many other of our friends, I am heartily sorry to acquaint you, are among the slain. So that what we find so feelingly expressed by the poet is here fatally verified,

‘For, How many mothers shall bewail their sons!

How many widows weep their husbands slain!’

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Replica of the Cross Erected by General Montcalm, Commemorating the French Victory at Carillon

What loss the enemy sustained, or if any, it is impossible for us to be able to give the least account of; they did not attempt to pursue us in our retreat.—Let me hear from 45 you upon receipt of this packet, and, if anything should occur in the farther course of this campaign, you shall hear from me again; but, I presume the French general will cut out such work for us, as will oblige our forces to act on the defensive.’”

In August of this year Israel Putnam, while scouting near Fort Miller, was captured by some French and Indians, and, after being stripped of his coat, vest, stockings and shoes, was loaded with the packs of the wounded and marched toward Ticonderoga. During this trip he was stripped naked, tied to a tree, and preparations were made for burning him when a French officer interposed. Reaching Ticonderoga, he was examined by the Marquis de Montcalm and sent to Montreal as a prisoner. Afterwards exchanged, he lived to have a distinguished career in the Revolution.

Montcalm Congratulating His Victorious Troops After the Battle of July 8, 1758
(Painting by Harry A. Ogden in the Fort Ticonderoga Museum)

46

Major Robert Rogers’ Battle on Snowshoes in 1757
(From a Painting in the Glens Falls Insurance Co. Building)

47

CHAPTER FIVE
The Amherst Campaign

The next year, 1759, General Jeffrey Amherst, who had succeeded General Abercromby, again advanced down Lake George to attack the Fort. On July 21st with 5743 British regulars and about the same number of provincials he left Fort William Henry. In the meantime, the French garrison at Ticonderoga had been much reduced. Montcalm had gone to the defense of Quebec, leaving General Bourlamaque, who had been slightly wounded the year before, in command. Amherst’s army followed Abercromby’s route but instead of attacking proceeded to invest the Fort. Bourlamaque soon realized that he would be starved out and captured within a reasonable time, so, after a few days defense decided to evacuate. He left Captain Hebecourt with 400 of the garrison and with the balance retreated to Crown Point and eventually to Isle aux Noix. Hebecourt kept up a heavy artillery fire as the British advanced through the French lines and threw up counter defenses. Amherst was then within 600 yards of the Fort. He did not know that Bourlamaque had retreated with most of the French Army. On the 3rd night Hebecourt embarked the balance of his force, set fire to the Fort and left a lighted match headed for the powder magazine, which was located in the South East Bastion. The Fort was soon in flames and the magazine blew up with a tremendous explosion. Hebecourt made good his retreat to Isle aux Noix where he joined Bourlamaque.

An excellent description of the taking of the Fort by Amherst is contained in a letter from a Massachusetts soldier, Eli Forbush, in the Museum collection. It follows herewith:

48

Sir Jeffrey Amherst

Camp at Ticonderoga or Fort Carillon Aug. 4, 1759.

“Very Rev’d & Hon’d Sr.

“Tis an old saying better late than never, therefore I presume (tho too unseasonably) to wait upon you with a line, to tell you what God has done for us the army and his Chh [Church] and people in gen’l. On ye 21 of July ye army imbarked for this place, which consisted of 11756, the Invincible rydau sail’d in ye rear of grenadiers, light infantry and rangers, and in ye front of remaining army and ye sloop Halifax brought up ye rear of ye whole. The fleet reached Sabbath Day Point by day light, then the Invincible came to anchor, and ye whole Fleet lay upon ye ores, till break of day, when ye signal was given for sailing, and the whole landed without opposition, between ye hours of nine and eleven, 22d, the light infantry, rangers, and grenad’rs marched immediately for the mill, where they found the 49 enemy posted, in three advantageous places, but as soon as they saw the dexterity and resolution of our advancing parties, they fled and left ye grounds in our possession and as our people got ye first fire and received only a running fire from them, little execution was done on either side, we obtain 3 prisoners and kild 3 on ye spot, and received only a slight wound or two from them. The whole army marched forward, beside what was necessary to guard the landing place, with ye vessels and stores, some were imployed in persuing the enemy, some in clearing the roads, and ye water course from ye mill, others in taking possession of all ye most advantageous ground near ye Fort—the whole was performed with ye greatest regularity, ye least noise, a noble calmness and intrepid resolution, ye whole army seemed to pertake of ye very soul of ye commander. As ye enemy had not force nor courage to man ye lines yt provd so fatal to our brave troops last year, we took possession of them without much opposition, and before day of ye 23d began to intrench and ye body of ye army incamped behind ye breastwork, which covered them from ye enemies fire, as soon as it was light and ye enemy perceived our disposition, they raised a smart canonade upon us, but without effect, those that were intrenching, between ye Breastwork and ye Fort had by this time covered ymselves, and ye breastwork was a defence to ye camp, they continued to canonade and to throw yr shells, and we continued to intrench, advancing nearer and nearer, the Gen’l ordered yt no fire shd be returned upon ye enemy (except in case of necessary defence) till he had all ye batteries ready to open at once, and as ye trenches were long ye digging bad, the whole could not be compleated till Thursday night ye 26 or rather Fryday morning ye 27. When ye batteries were to be opened at once, the enemy seemed fully sensible of ye fatal consequences of such heavy batteries for a little after midnight between ye 26 & 27. they blew up ye magazine and made off, some by land on ye east side of ye lake and some by water with all yt they could carry (which could be but a little), nineteen of those 50 that went off by land got lost and came into our camp next morning, some of ye light infantry yt were posted on ye left by ye lake side hearing ye enemies boats fire several cannon loaded with grape in among ym which greatly dismad and destresd them,—we found 3 of ye boats adrift loaded with powder and other stores, others broke and sunk.

General Amherst and the Burning Fort
From a painting in the Museum Collection

“Six o’Clock 27. the French flagg was struck and ye English hoisted on ye same staff, but as ye Fort was in flames and cannon loaded and a large number of small armes, which kept a continual fire as ye wood burnt, the 51 Gen’l gave orders yt ye greatest caution shd usd in taking possession, About 8 o’Clock they began to attempt to extinguish ye fire, and to draw ye charges from those cannon yt ye fire had not reached,—We found 13 pieces of cannon mounted, 4 Mortars two 13 Inch, two 9. Other artillery is found since sunk in ye waters, the strength of ye Fort exceeds ye most sanguine imagination, nature and art are Joind to render it impregnable, and had not ye enemy behaved like cowards and traitors they might have held out a long siege. Our loss is very inconsiderable (except Col. Townsend) who was killed with a cannon ball on ye 25th besides him we have lost none of note, the whole according to ye returns yt have been made is 96 killd and wounded, 20 only of which was kild on ye spot—We have had one killed as he stood centry and one Stockbridge Indian, an Ensign, which is all ye loss that we have sustained by ye savages since the Fort was abandoned. It came out in Gen’l Orders that publick thanks shd be given at ye head of every core for ye conquest obtained, ever since we got possession ye whole army has been imploy’d in extinguishing ye fire of ye Fort, repairing ye breeches made by ye explosion, gitting over ye beteaus and boats, provisions, and artilery stores, in rebuilding ye mills and in erecting two more rydaus all whch are near accomplished. August 3. A scout in from Crown-Point and brot certain intelligence that the enemy have destroyed and abandoned that also, upon which ye Gen’l sent a party immediately to take possession, and this morning saild himself with his artilery and ye main body of ye army leaving only such numbers as are necessary to defend ye several posts which he has established and to carry on the works at ye mills and ye Fort, tis supposd yt ye whole army will be ready to cross the Lake Champlain in about ten days. We have two rydaus that carry Six 12 pounders in yr sides and one 24 in ye bowes. four roe galleys yt carry one 18 in each of yr bowes one flat boat and one six pounder and four bay-boats with swivals and a brig in great forwardness, all which we hope will be sufficient against the 3 schooners 52 which ye enemy having cruzing in ye Lake, so yet our success is not only great but ye prospect still clear yt we shl by ye divine aide do ye business we came upon—The health of ye army is very extraordinary in ye two battalions where I am concerned, yr has died but two with sickness and one kild by ye enemy, (ye sentery above mentioned) when I visited the fort which was about 9 o’Clock Friday morning 27th I found many monuments of superstition which would furnish a curious mind with aboundant matter for speculation—one thing I cant omit, near ye breast-work where so many spilt yr blood last year, was a cross erected of 30 feet high, painted red with this inscription in lead on yt side next to ye breastwork ‘Sone Principes eorum Sicut oneb et heb et Zebee et ...’ and under this at ye foot of ye cross was an open grave—on ye opposite side of ye cross next to ye Fort was this inscribed in lead viz ‘Hoc Signum Vincit’—These are the most remarkable, yt has feel within my notice since I wrote last. I hope you will pardon my prolixity and overlook ye many imperfections of my relation, tis a good story tho it is not well told, if you please let Mr. Breek see the contents as I have not time to write particularly to him nor anything new besides to communicate.

“Please to give all proper salutations to all friends on ye river and give me leave to subscribe your most obd’t and affectionate son

Eli Forbush

“Last night I was hon’d with the reception of yr fav’r of ye 16 ulto for which I thank you.”

To the Reverend Mr. Steven Williams in Springfield, Lon Meadow Precinct. [Mass.]

53

CHAPTER SIX
The Calm Before The Storm

From 1759 to 1775 it was peaceful and tranquil at Ticonderoga. There are but few records, though the British maintained a garrison at the Fort and also one at Crown Point. The Fort was used as a storehouse for military supplies, and presumably the garrison did its best to entertain itself in what was then a wilderness. Major Gavin Cochrane commanded for four years, and in 1765 Major Thomas James went down from Ticonderoga to New York to aid in enforcing the Stamp Act. On February 15th, 1767, Lieutenant-Governor Carleton wrote from Montreal to Major General Gage:

“The forts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga are in a very declining condition ... should you approve of keeping up these posts, it will be best to repair them as soon as possible.”

Crown Point caught on fire in April, 1773, and a large part of the barracks was destroyed by an explosion in the magazine. Detachments of the 60th Regiment, the Royal American Regiment of Foot, was stationed here for many years, and Major General Haldimand spent a short time at the Fort. Early in 1775 Major Philip Skene of Skenesborough was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. However, as he was captured on his return from England the same year and confined as a Loyalist, (though afterwards exchanged and was with Burgoyne in 1777) he could not have done very much Lieutenant-Governoring.

54

Ethan Allen

CHAPTER SEVEN
Ethan Allen

In 1775, while the trouble in Boston was brewing, Samuel Holden Parsons, Colonel Samuel Wyllys and Silas Deane, all of Connecticut, and probably at the suggestion of Colonel John Brown of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, conceived the idea of seizing Ticonderoga and capturing the great quantities of military supplies known to be stored in the Fort.

The Colony of Massachusetts voted a considerable sum and Colonel Benedict Arnold was authorized to raise a force and seize the fort. About the same time, however, Ethan Allen, leader of a body of irregular troops known as the Green Mountain Boys, also conceived the idea. Allen and Arnold met in Castleton, Vermont, and both claimed the command. The Green Mountain Boys absolutely refused 55 to serve under anyone but Allen. Eventually a compromise was made and a joint command agreed on. A rendezvous was agreed on in Hand’s Cove on the east side of Lake Champlain about two miles north of the Fort and on the night of May 9th about 350 men had gathered. There was a scarcity of boats, however, and the few obtainable were rowed back and forth all night, landing just north of the present Fort Ticonderoga Ferry. Shortly before daylight only 83 men and a number of officers had reached the west shore. Not daring to postpone the attack, Allen proceeded by the wood road then running across the swamp which formerly existed in what is now the North Field. His own account of the capture is as follows:

“I landed eighty-three men near the garrison, and sent the boats back for the rear guard commanded by Col. Seth Warner; but the day began to dawn, and I found myself under a necessity to attack the fort, before the rear could cross the lake; and, as it was viewed hazardous, I harangued the officers and soldiers in the manner following:

‘Friends and fellow soldiers, you have, for a number of years past, been a scourge and terror to arbitrary power. Your valour has been famed abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me (from the general assembly of Connecticut) to surprise and take the garrison now before us. I now propose to advance before you, and in person conduct you through the wicket-gate; for we must this morning either quit our pretensions to valour, or possess ourselves of this fortress in a few minutes; and, in as much as it is a desperate attempt, (which none but the bravest of men dare undertake) I do not urge it on any contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily poise your firelocks.’

“The men being (at this time) drawn up in three ranks, each poised his firelock. I ordered them to face to the right; and, at the head of the centre-file, marched them immediately to the wicket-gate aforesaid, where I found a 56 centry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me; I ran immediately toward him, and he retreated through the covered way into the parade within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb-proof. My party who followed me into the fort, I formed on the parade in such a manner as to face the two barracks which faced each other. The garrison being asleep, (except the centries) we gave three huzzas which greatly surprised them. One of the centries made a pass at one of my officers with charged bayonet and slightly wounded him: My first thought was to kill him with my sword; but, in an instant, altered the design and fury of the blow to a slight cut on the side of the head; upon which he dropped his gun, and asked quarter, which I readily granted him, and demanded of him the place where the commanding officer slept; he showed me a pair of stairs in the front of a barrack, on the west part of the garrison, which led up to a second story in said barrack, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered the commander (Capt. Delaplace) to come forth instantly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison; at which the capt. came immediately to the door with his breeches in his hand, when I ordered him to deliver to me the fort instantly, who asked me by what authority I demanded it; I answered, ‘In the name of the great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress.’ (The authority of the Congress being very little known at that time) he began to speak again; but I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword over his head, again demanded an immediate surrender of the garrison; to which he then complied, and ordered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he had given up the garrison; in the meantime some of my officers had given orders, and in consequence thereof, sundry of the barrack doors were beat down, and about one-third of the garrison imprisoned, which consisted of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a conductor of artillery, a gunner, two serjeants, and forty-four rank and file; about one hundred pieces of cannon, one 13 inch mortar, and a number of swivels. This surprise was carried into execution in the gray of the morning of the 10th day of May, 1775. The sun seemed to rise that morning with a superior lustre; and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled on its conquerors, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and wished success to Congress, and liberty and freedom of America.” The flowing bowl evidently had its effect as Allen’s first account of the capture of the Fort reads as follows:

57

Catamount Tavern in Bennington Where Ethan Allen And the Others Laid Plans To Capture The Fortress of Ticonderoga

To the Massachusetts Council,

“Gentlemen: I have to inform you, with pleasure unfelt before, that on the break of day of the tenth of May, 1775, by the order of the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut, I took the fortress of Ticonderoga by storm. The soldiery was composed of about one hundred Green Mountain Boys and nearly fifty veteran soldiers from the Province of Massachusetts Bay. The latter was under command of Colonel James Easton, who behaved with great zeal and fortitude,—not only in council; but in the assault. The soldiery behaved with such resistless fury, that they 58 so terrified the Kings troops, that they durst not fire on their assailants, and our soldiery was agreeably disappointed. The soldiery behaved with uncommon rancour when they leaped into the Fort; and it must be confessed, that the Colonel has greatly contributed to the taking of that fortress, as well as John Brown, Esq., attorney at law, who was also an able counsellor, and was personally in the attack. I expect the Colonies will maintain this fort. As to the cannon and war-like stores, I hope they may serve the cause of liberty instead of tyranny, and I humbly implore your assistance in immediately assisting the Government of Connecticut in establishing a garrison in the reduced premises. Colonel Easton will inform you at large. From, gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servant.

Ethan Allen”

On the 12th, however, he sent a more temperate account to the Governor of Connecticut, the original manuscript of which is now in the Fort Library and reads as follows:

“Hon’ble Sir: I make you a present of a Major, a Captain, and two Lieutenants in the regular Establishment of George the Third. I hope they may serve as ransoms for some of our friends at Boston, and particularly for Captain Brown of Rhode Island. A party of men, under the command of Capt. Herrick, has took possession of Skenesborough, imprisoned Major Skene, and seized a schooner of his. I expect, in ten days time, to have it rigged, manned and armed, with six or eight pieces of cannon, which, with the boats in our possession, I purpose to make an attack on the armed sloop of George the Third, which is now cruising on Lake Champlain, and is about twice as big as the schooner. I hope in a short time to be authorized to acquaint your Honour, that Lake Champlain, and the fortifications thereon, are subject to the Colonies.

“The enterprise has been approbated by the officers and soldiery of the Green Mountains boys, nor do I hesitate as to the success. I expect lives must be lost in the attack, as the commander of George’s sloop is a man of courage, etc.

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“Messrs. Hickock, Halsey and Nichols have the charge of conducting the officers to Hartford. These gentlemen have been very assiduous and active in the late expedition.

“I depend upon your Honour’s aid and assistance in a situation so contiguous to Canada.

“I subscribe myself, your Honour’s ever faithful, Most obedient and humble servant.

Ethan Allen

“At present commander at Ticonderoga. To the Hon’ble Johnathan Trumbull, esq., Capt. General and Governor of the Colony of Connecticut.”

Ethan Allen and Captain Delaplace at The Capture of Fort Ticonderoga

It is interesting to note that in neither of Allen’s reports does he mention Arnold, who had a joint command with him. Hard feeling between the two commanders had already developed. Arnold was a commissioned officer in the Connecticut Militia and Allen, an amateur. Professional soldiers and amateurs never have hit it off.

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Letter From Ethan Allen, Ticonderoga, May 12, 1775, Manuscript in the Museum Collection

Ticonderoga 12th. May 1775

Honobl Sir I make You a Present of a Major a Captain and Two Lieuts in the regular Establishment of George the Third I hope they may serve as ransoms for some of our Friends at Boston and particularly for Capt Brown of Rhodiseland a Party of men under the Command of Capt Herich has Took Posession Scenesborough Imprisoned Major Sceene and Seized a Schooner of his, I Expect in ten days Time to have it rigged and man’d and armed with 6 or 8 Pieces of Canon which with the Boat in our Possession I Purpose to make an attack on the armed Sloop of George the Third which is Now Cruising on Lake Champlain and is about Twice as bigg as the Schooner. I Hope in a Short Time to be authorized to acquaint your Hoour that Lake Champlain ^& the fortifications thereon are subjected to the Colonies The Enterprise has been approbated by the 61 Officers and Soldiary of the Green Mountain Boys Nor do I hesitate as to the Success I Expect Lives must be Lost in the attack as the Comander of George’s Sloop is a man of Courage &c.

I Conclude Capt Warner is by this time in Possession of Crown Point the Ordnance Stores &c I Conclude Governor Carlton will Exert himself to oppose us & Command the Lake &c—Messers Hickock Halsey & Nichols have the Charge of Conducting the ^Officers{illegible} to Harford These Gentlemen have been Very Assiduous and active in the Late Expedition I depend upon Your Honours Aid and Assistance in a Situation so Contiguous to CanandaigaCanada—I Subscribe my Self Your Honours Ever Faithfull most Obedient and Humble Servant

Ethan Allen,
at Present Commander of Ticonderoga

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THE BRITISH SIDE OF THE CAPTURE

A few years ago Mr. Allen French discovered the manuscript of Lieutenant Feltham’s report, which reads as follows:

New York, June 11th 1775.

“Sir

“Capt. Delaplace of the 26th regt has given me directions to lay before you in as plain a narrative as I can the manner of the surprizal of the fort of Ticonderoga on 10th May with all the circumstances after it that I thought might be of any service in giving you Exy any light into the affair.

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“Allen Needs You at Ti”
(Courtesy National Life Insurance Company of Vermont)

“Capt. Delaplace having in the course of the winter applied to Gen. Carleton for a reinforcement, as he had reason to suspect some attack from some circumstances that happend’d in his neighborhood, Gen Carleton was pleased to order a detachment of a subaltern and 20 men to be sent in two or three separate parties the first party of which was sent as a crew along with Major Dunbar who left Canada about the 12th April, I being the first subaltern on command was ordered down with 10 men in a few days more, to give up to Capt Delaplace with whom Lt Wadman was to remain, having receiv’d orders from the regt some time before to join there. as he was not arrived when I came I had orders to wait until he did. I was 12 days there before he came which was about an hour after the fort was surprised. I had not lain in the fort on my arrival having left the only tolerable rooms there for Mr. Wadman if he arrived with his family, but being unwell, had lain in the fort for two or three nights preceding the 10th May, on which morning about half an hour after three in my sleep I was awaken’d by numbers of shreiks, & the words no quarter, no quarter from a number of arm’d rabble I jump’d up about which time I heard the noise continue in the area of the fort I ran undress’d to knock at Capt. Delaplaces door & to receive his orders or wake him, the door was fast the room I lay in being close to Capt Delaplace I stept back, put on my coat & waist coat & return’d to his room, there being no possibility of getting to the men as there were numbers of the rioters on the bastions of the wing of the fort on which the door of my room and back door of Capt Delaplaces room led, with great difficulty, I got into his room, being pursued, from which there was a door down by stairs in to the area of the fort, I ask’d Capt Delaplace who was by now just up what I should do, & offer’d to force my way if possible to our men, on opening this door the bottom of the stairs was filld with the rioters & many were forcing their way up, knowing the Commg Officer lived there, as they had broke open the lower rooms 64 where the officers live in winter, and could not find them there, from the top of the stairs I endeavour’d to make them hear me, but it was impossible, on making a signal not to come up the stairs, they stop’d, & proclaimd silence among themselves, I then address’d them, but in a stile not agreeable to them I ask’d them a number of questions, expecting to amuse them till our people fired which I must certainly own I thought would have been the case, after asking them the most material questions, I could think viz by what authority they entered his majesties fort who were the leaders and what their intent &c &c I was informd by one Ethan Allen and one Benedict Arnold that they had a joint command, Arnold informing me he came from instructions recd from the congress at Cambridge which he afterwards shew’d me. Mr. Allen told me his orders were from the province of Connecticut & that he must have immediate possession of the fort and all the effects of George the third (those were his words) Mr. Allen insisting on this with a drawn sword over my head & numbers of his followers firelocks presented at me alledging I was commanding officer & to give up the fort, and if it was not comply’d with, or that there was a single gun fired in the fort neither man woman or child should be left alive in the fort. Mr. Arnold begg’d it in a genteel manner but without success, it was owing to him they were prevented getting into Capt Delaplaces room, after they found I did not command. Capt. Delaplace being now dress’d came out, when after talking to him some time, they put me back into the room they placed two sentry’s on me and took Capt Delaplace down stairs they also placed sentrys at the back door, from the beginning of the noise till half an hour after this I never saw a Soldier, tho’ I heard a great noise in their rooms and can not account otherwise than that they must have been seiz’d in their beds before I got on the stairs, or at the first coming in, which must be the case as Allen wounded one of the guard on his struggling with him in the guard room immediately after his entrance into the fort. When I did see our men they were drawn up without arms, 65 which were all put into one room over which they placed sentrys and allotted one to each soldier their strength at first coming that is the number they had ferry’d over in the night amounted to about 90 but from their entrance & shouting they were constantly landing men till about 10 o’clock when I suppose there were about 300, & by the next morning at least another 100 who I suppose were waiting the event & came now to join in the plunder which was most rigidly perform’d as to liquor, provisions, &c whether belonging to his majesty or private property, about noon on the 10th May, our men were sent to the landing at L. George, & sent over next day, then march’d by Albany to Hartford Connecticut where they arrived on the 22d they would not allow an Officer to go with them tho’ I requested it. They sent Capt Delaplace his Lady, family & Lt Wadman & myself by Skenesborough to Hartford where we arrived the 21st.”

Shortly after Allen’s capture of the Fort Congress decided to garrison the place, and what was afterwards called the Northern Army was concentrated there. It consisted mostly of New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania troops with the Pennsylvanians the best equipped and organized. General Philip Schuyler of New York was in command through 1775. The Fort was repaired and the old French Lines strengthened and a number of redoubts started.

Ethan Allen’s Blunderbuss in the Museum Collection

66

Benedict Arnold

67

CHAPTER EIGHT
Montgomery, Knox, Valcour Island

A number of important things happened at Ticonderoga during the American occupation between Allen’s capture, May 10th, 1775, and St. Clair’s evacuation before Burgoyne, July 6, 1777.

An expedition for the invasion of Canada was planned. By the middle of July, 1775, General Schuyler arrived at Ticonderoga and found but little progress had been made to advance the expedition, few bateaux, no boards, little material and few workmen able to build boats. He repaired the French sawmill, sawed boards, requisitioned carpenters, nails, provisions and teams and forwarded matters with so much dispatch that by the beginning of August regiments which were to form the army began to move toward Ticonderoga. The Continental troops began to arrive by the middle of August, and on the 13th General Richard Montgomery arrived and reviewed the troops. On the 28th the army advanced and after a few skirmishes on the way reached St. Johns on the 6th of September. The army consisted of about 1000 men under command of General Philip Schuyler, almost wholly Connecticut troops excepting about 250 of the first battalion of New Yorkers, under command of Lieutenant Colonel Ritzma. On the 13th of September General Schuyler was forced to return to Ticonderoga on account of illness, leaving General Richard Montgomery in command. The fort at St. Johns held out until November 2nd, when the garrison surrendered to the American invaders. Among the officers who surrendered and who were sent down to Ticonderoga, a prisoner with the rest was Lieutenant John Andre, afterwards executed as a spy.

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Major General Richard Montgomery

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On Monday morning, November 13th, a detachment from the Continental Army took possession of Montreal. Unfortunately, the time of many of the Connecticut troops had expired and most of them decided to go home. The General offered as a bounty for those who would enlist for only five months, a watch great coat, coat, jacket and breeches, stockings and shoes, shirt, caps, mittens, socks and an English Crown. About 200 volunteered to stay.

General Montgomery shortly afterwards joined Benedict Arnold who was besieging Quebec, and lost his life in the unsuccessful attack on that place. The remnants of two armies reached Ticonderoga in the spring of 1776 in a terrible condition.

It was while serving under General Montgomery that Ethan Allen, advancing toward Montreal to ascertain whether the Canadians were with or against the Americans, was captured, sent to England as a prisoner and not returned and released until May, 1778. He took no further part in the Revolution, though Congress granted him the rank and pay of a colonel.

On the 16th of November General Washington sent the following instruction to Henry Knox, then a Colonel of Artillery:

“You are immediately to examine into the state of the artillery of this army, and take an account of the cannon, mortars, shells, lead and ammunition that are wanting. When you have done that you are to proceed in the most expeditious manner to New York, there to apply to the President of the Provincial Congress and learn of him whether Colonel Reed did anything or left any orders respecting these things, and get him to procure such of them as can possibly be had there. The president, if he can, will have them immediately sent hither; if he cannot, you must put them in a proper channel to be transported to this camp with despatch before you leave New York. After you have procured as many of these necessaries as you can there, you must go to Major-General Schuyler and get the remainder from Ticonderoga, Crown Point, or St. John; if it should be necessary, from Quebec, if in our hands. The want of them is so great that no trouble or expense must be spared to obtain them. I have wrote to General Schuyler, he will give every necessary assistance, that they may be had and forwarded to this place with the utmost despatch. I have given you a warrant to the Paymaster General of the Continental Army for a thousand dollars, to defray the expense attending your journey and procuring these articles, an account of which you are to keep and render upon your return.

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General Knox

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“Given under my hand at headquarters at Cambridge, this 16th day of November, Annoque Domini 1775.

G. Washington.

“(Endeavor to procure what flints you can)”

The Continental Army, approximately 16,000 men, was besieging Boston, but without heavy artillery it would be impossible to force the British out. Apparently Colonel Knox had submitted a plan to Washington for the removal of the guns from Ticonderoga.

On the 5th of December Knox reached Ticonderoga and by the 6th was busy removing heavy guns from the Fort to a gondola, a type of flat-bottomed boat used on the lake. By the 9th they had all been transported to the carrying-place and were loaded on the scows to take them to the head of Lake George. With the greatest difficulty he transported them over-land, having had made forty-two strong sleds and hired eighty-one yoke of oxen. Not until January 4th did the first brass 24 pounder reach Albany, and on the 24th of the same month with his “noble train of artillery,” he arrived at the camp in Cambridge. It was a great undertaking considering the roads and bridges of the period.

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General Knox Moving Cannon From Fort Ticonderoga To Cambridge
(Courtesy Joseph Dixon Crucible Co.)

Fort Ticonderoga’s Immortal Guns go to General George Washington ... winter of 1776 ... over hundreds of miles of roadless, trackless, snowclad mountains and valleys, through thick forests, over ice-covered lakes and rivers ... on sledges hauled by oxen ... in charge of General Knox and his artillery men in their red-trimmed regimentals, who deliver the guns at Dorchester Heights. There, roaring down at the enemy, they drive him out of Boston Town.

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The guns removed from Ticonderoga by Knox consisted of:

MORTARS and COHORNS
| | | Dim of bore. | Ft. & ins. of length. | Weight | Total w’ht.
Brass
2 | Cohorns | 5 | - 7/10 | 1-4 | 150 | 300
4 | do. | 4½ | | 1-1 | 100 | 400
1 | Mortar | 8½ | | 2-0 | 300 | 300
1 | do. | 7½ | | 2-0 | 300 | 300
8
Iron
1 | do. | 6½ | | 1-10 | 600 | 600
1 | do. | 10 | | 3-6 | 1800 | 1800
1 | do. | 10¼ | | 3-6 | 1800 | 1800
3 | do. | 13 | | 3 (average) | 2300 | 6900
6
HOWITZERS
Iron
1 | | | 8 | | 3-4 | 15.2.15 | 15.2.15
1 | | | 8¼ | | 3-4 | 15.2.15 | 15.2.15
2 | (16)
CANNON
Brass
8 | 3 | pounders | 3 | - 1/20 | 3-6 | 350 | 2,800
3 | 6 | do. | 3 | - 7/10 | 4-6 | 600 | 1,800
1 | 18 | do. | 5½ | | 8-3 | 2000 | 2,000
1 | 24 | do. | 5 | -11/12 | 5-6 | 16.3.18 | 1,800
Iron
6 | 6 | do. | 3 | - 7/10 | 9-7 | 2500 | 15,000
4 | 9 | do. | 4 | - 4/10 | 8-4 | 2500 | 10,000
10 | 12 | do. | 4¾ | | 9 | 2800 | 28,000
7 | 18 | do. | 5½ | | 9 | 4000 | 28,000
| dble fortif.
3 | 18 | do. | 5½ | | 11 | 5000 | 15,000
To. can., 43 | | Total Weight, 119,900
Mortars, 16

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From Contemporary Water Colors. Showing Rig of Fleet at Valcour Island. (Original in the Museum)

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In the spring of 1776, Benedict Arnold returned to Ticonderoga from the unsuccessful siege of Quebec. His spies soon told him that the British under Sir Guy Carleton intended to invade from the North. Arnold, one of the best soldiers this country ever has produced, realized that a fleet on Lake Champlain should be the first line of defense. With super-human efforts he collected shipwrights and carpenters at Ticonderoga and Skenesborough, erected ways, and, in spite of the lack of men and money, by the end of August the fleet was ready. It consisted of:

| Guns | Men | Capt.
Schooner ROYAL SAVAGE | 12 | 50 | Wynkoop
(Arnold Flagship)
Schooner REVENGE | 10 | 80 | Seamen
Sloop LIBERTY | 10 | 35 | Plummer
Sloop ENTERPRIZE | 12 | 50 | Dickson
Galley WASHINGTON | 3 | 45 | Warner
(Gen. Waterbury on board)
Galley TRUMBULL | 3 | 45 | Colonel Wigglesworth
Galley CONGRESS | 3 | 45 | Capt. Arnold
Galley CUTTER LEE | 6 | 50 | Davis
Gondola BOSTON | 3 | 45 | Sumner
” PROVIDENCE | 3 | 45 | Simmons
” NEW HAVEN | 3 | 45 | Mansfield
” SPITFIRE | 3 | 45 | Ulmer or Ustens
” PHILADELPHIA | 3 | 45 | Rice
” JERSEY | 3 | 45 | Grimes
” CONNECTICUT | 3 | 45 | Grant
” NEW YORK | 3 | 45 | Lee

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The Attack and Defeat of the American Fleet under Benedict Arnold, by King’s Fleet Commanded by Captain John Pringle, upon Lake Champlain, the 11th of October, 1776.

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The British, in the meantime, had also been building a fleet. Several ships in the St. Lawrence had been taken apart, carried around the rapids, and rebuilt at St. Johns.

The two fleets met near Valcour Island on October 11th. After a two day fight the American Fleet was almost entirely destroyed, but Arnold had accomplished his object, he had held back the invaders for a whole year, as by the time Sir Guy Carleton reached and took Crown Point it was too late for his army to advance.

The British fleet in the battle consisted of:

Ship INFLEXIBLE | 16 Guns | Lt. Schank
Schooner MARIA | 14 Guns | Lt. Starke
(Pringle’s Flagship)
Schooner CARLETON | 12 Guns | Lt. Dacres
Radeau THUNDERER | 14 Guns | Lt. Scott
Gondola LOYAL CONVERT | 7 Guns | Lt. Longcroft
Twenty Gun or Artillery Boats with one gun each.
Four Long Boats—one field piece or howitzer each.

But three of the American Fleet escaped, the “Revenge,” “Trumbull” and “Enterprise.”

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General Schuyler

79

Major-General Arthur St. Clair

80

Major-General Horatio Gates

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Ticonderoga and Its Dependencies, August 1776

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The Massacre of Jane McCrea
(From a painting in the Museum.)

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CHAPTER NINE
Burgoyne Takes the Fort and Brown Fails to Retake It

The winter of 1776-1777 was a terrible one. The sufferings among the troops at Ticonderoga exceeded anything at Valley Forge. Men were frozen to death in their tents, smallpox broke out in the spring and altogether it was almost unbearable. General Gates succeeded General Schuyler as commander-in-chief of the Northern Army. Anthony Wayne was succeeded by Arthur St. Clair as commander at Ticonderoga, in the spring of 1777 and took command of 2500 Continental troops and 900 militia. General John Burgoyne had succeeded Sir Guy Carleton as commander-in-chief of the British Army in Canada.

With the destruction of the American Fleet at Valcour Island the autumn before, there was nothing to stop the advance of the British, and their army moved south up Lake Champlain in a great flotilla of bateaux and little sailing vessels. A large part of the American army was concentrated at Mount Independence directly across the lake from Ticonderoga and a floating bridge had been built connecting the two posts.

84

General John Burgoyne

85

Early in July Burgoyne invested the defenses on the New York side of the lake. John Trumbull in 1776 had suggested the fortifying of Mount Defiance which commanded the Fort, but it was never done. On July 5th the British succeeded in drawing a battery of guns to the top and opened up on the Fort. General St. Clair decided to retreat by way of the bridge and Mount Independence, the only road open. The retreat was well conceived, but someone set fire to General de Fermoy’s house and the British outposts discovered the American army retreating. A rear guard had been left at the Mount Independence end of the bridge, but unfortunately, they found a cask of wine and when the British succeeded in repairing and crossing the bridge, the whole guard was hors de combat. Part of the Americans retreated toward Skenesborough, the Whitehall of today, in the few gondolas and row galleys that had escaped the defeat at Valcour Island the year before. Most of the army, however, marched east toward Castleton. The British soon cut the boom which had been thrown across the lake from Willow Point to the Vermont shore and part of their army went on up the lake by water after the fleeing Americans. General Fraser pursued the retreating army and overtook the American rear guard under Seth Warner near Hubbardton. A sharp engagement took place and the Americans were defeated, losing 324 in killed and wounded. It was the German troops under Baron Riedesel, who, coming into the action a little late, forced the Americans from the field. On July 6th some of the British ships pursued the American galleys as far as Whitehall, then Skenesborough, and captured two of them, forcing the Americans to blow up the remainder. Burgoyne left a garrison at Ticonderoga under General Powell and proceeded to follow out his plan of taking northern New York and meeting General Howe at Albany.

St. Clair was courtmartialed for retreating but was exonerated as it was the only thing he could have done under the circumstances. In the meantime the army from Ticonderoga formed the nucleus that eventually, having received an enormous number of recruits from New York, Vermont and New Hampshire, forced the capitulation of Burgoyne and the surrender of his whole army at Saratoga late in the autumn. It was Burgoyne’s bombastic proclamation to the settlers to be loyal to the King, or he would unloose his Indians, coupled with the unfortunate murder of Jane McCrea by some of his Indians, which aroused the countryside.

A determined attempt to recapture the Fort was made by Colonel John Brown, the same Brown who probably was the originator of the capture by Allen two years before. He was supported by Colonel Johnson whose duty it was to take Mount Independence and by Captain Ebenezer Allen, whose job it was to capture Mount Defiance. The attack was by way of the foot of Lake George and his own account reads as follows:

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The Battle of Saratoga. (From a painting in the Museum.)

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Colonel Brown to General Lincoln:

“North end of Lake George landing.

thursday Sept. 20 1777

Sir; with great fatigue after marching all last night I arrived at this place at the break of day, after the best disposition of the men I could make, immediately began the attack, and in a few minutes carried the place. I then without any loss of time detached a considerable part of my men to the mills, where a greater number of the enemy were posted, who also were soon made prisoners, a small number of them having taken possession of a blockhouse in that vicinity were with more difficulty bro’t to submission; but at a sight of a cannon they surrendered. During this season of success, Mount Defiance also fell into our hands. I have taken possession of the old French lines at Ticonderoga, and have sent a flag demanding the surrender of Ty and of mount independence in strong and peremptory terms. I have had as yet no information of Col. Johnson’s attack on the mount. My loss of men in these several actions are not more than 3 or 4 killed and 5 wounded, the enemy’s loss is less. I find myself in possession of 293 prisoners, viz, 2 captains, 9 subs, 2 commisaries, non Commissioned officers and privates, 143 British, 119 Canadians, 18 artificers, and retook more than 100 of our men, total 293, exclusive of the prisoners retaken—The watercraft I have taken is 150 bateaus below the falls on Lake Champlain 50 above the falls including 17 gunboats and one armed sloop, arms equal to the number of prisoners. Some ammunition and many other things which I cannot now ascertain. I must not forget to mention a few cannon which may be of great service to us. Tho my success has hitherto answered most sanguine expectations, I cannot promise myself great things, the events of war being so dubious in their nature, but shall do my best to distress the enemy all in my power,—having regard to my retreat—There is but a small quantity of provisions at this place which I think will necessitate my retreat in case we do not carry Ty and independence—I hope you will use your utmost endeavor to give me assistance should I need in crossing the lake &c—The enemy has but a very small force at Fort George. Their boats are on an island about 14 miles from this guarded by six companies, having artillery—I have much fear with respect to the prisoners, being obliged to send them under a small guard—I am well informed that considerable reinforcements is hourly expected at the lake under command of Sir John Johnson—This minute received General Powel’s answer to my demand in these words, ‘The garrison intrusted to my charge I shall defend to the last.’

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Surrender of Burgoyne. (From a painting in the Museum.)

89

“Indeed I have little hopes of putting him to the necessity of giving it up unless by the force under Colonel Johnson.

I am &c, John Brown.”

Brown, running short of provisions for his own men and his numerous prisoners, retreated up Lake George and made an unsuccessful attack on Diamond Island.

Sir John Johnson, son of Sir William Johnson, of Johnson Hall, arrived at Ticonderoga shortly before Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga. Numerous deserters from Saratoga informed Powell of the situation there and he immediately made preparations to retreat to Canada. He burned the houses and barracks at Ticonderoga and Independence and made good his escape.

90

George Washington at Halfway Brook, 1783
From a Painting Owned by Glen Falls Insurance Company

91

CHAPTER TEN
The Military History Ends

In 1781 Ira and Ethan Allen were negotiating with the British authorities as to the feasibility of making Vermont a Canadian province. Congress had refused to admit Vermont as the fourteenth state and were considering dividing it between New York and New Hampshire. Rather than submit to this the Allens and Governor Chittenden opened negotiations with Lieutenant-Governor Haldimand of Canada, the object of which was probably to force Congress to act in their favor, and they succeeded.

In July, 1783, General George Washington, accompanied by Governor Clinton, Col. Alexander Hamilton and others, visited the Fort on a tour of inspection, returning to the headquarters at Newburgh on the 5th of August.

Shortly after the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States was signed the whole country began to be rapidly settled. No guard was kept at Ticonderoga and it provided a convenient quarry for the early settlers. All the furniture and movable objects were taken first, then the doors and windows, floors were ripped up and the great beams removed, and in a short time the barracks collapsed. Even the abandoned cannon, most of them spiked, were removed to be melted up for their iron.

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Stephen H. P. Pell

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CHAPTER ELEVEN
The Restoration of Fort Ticonderoga
by John H. G. Pell

After the Revolution, all crown lands reverted not to the national government, but to the States in which they were situated. The Garrison Grounds at Fort Ticonderoga and other pieces were designated by the State of New York for educational purposes on March 31, 1790. On Sept. 12, 1803, the Garrison Grounds were deeded to Columbia and Union Colleges jointly by the State.

William Ferris Pell, a New York business man, spent these years in Burlington, Vermont. He made many trips between Canada, Burlington and New York. While traveling up and down Lake Champlain he was struck by the beauty of the point of land on which the Fort stands, and the romantic interest of the ruins of the Fort. He determined to build a house there, if ever able to do so.

Returning to New York he organized the firm of Pells and Company, importers of mahogany and marble. This firm flourished for a hundred years. Mr. Pell leased the property from Columbia and Union Colleges and shortly thereafter built a house which he called “Beaumont.” The house was situated below the Fort between the garden laid out by the French officers in 1756 and the shores of Lake Champlain. Mr. Pell was much interested in horticulture and he restored the old garden and imported many plants from Europe and from the nurseries on Long Island to embellish and beautify it.

In 1820, he undertook to secure the deeds to the Garrison grounds and they were purchased by him from Union College on July 28, 1820 and from Columbia College on September 4, 1820.

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The Pavilion—Built in 1826

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In addition to building a house and replanting the garden, he tried to stop the depredations which were occurring to the Fort. The two buildings that were standing after the Revolution, the South and West Barracks, were ruined by the early settlers, who removed everything movable—doors, windows, floor boards, etc., and eventually the very beams themselves. Thousands of loads of stone were carted away for foundations. Some men had repaired the French lime kiln and were burning the walls of the Fort for lime. Mr. Pell had to buy up the numerous squatters’ rights but he eventually succeeded in stopping the destruction. He fenced in various earthworks and redoubts to prevent them being plowed under and did his best to preserve what was left. He was a man of vision. Had it not been for William Ferris Pell and those who came after him not a stone in Fort Ticonderoga would be in place today. Every one would have been carted away or destroyed.

In 1825, “Beaumont” burned and in 1826, he built “The Pavilion” which is still standing and occupied by his descendants. “The Pavilion” was built on the edge of “Le Jardin du Roi,” a garden laid out by Captain de Pontleroy, an engineer officer stationed here during the French occupation, and renamed “The King’s Garden” by the British, which name it has borne ever since. Mr. Pell spent his summers here. His oldest son, Archibald, had decided to be a gentleman farmer and took over the management of the place, but was killed by the explosion of a cannon he was firing as a salute to his father who was coming up the Lake, April 19th, 1838. Thereafter William Ferris Pell could not bear to live at his beloved Ticonderoga. He died intestate and no will was ever found, but he was a good business man and it is unlikely that he failed to make a will, but safe deposit boxes were unknown in that day and wills were kept in desks. Family tradition is that one of his sons found and read the will, was dissatisfied with his share, and destroyed it. At any rate, the property then passed in equal shares to his ten children. None of them could afford to keep up “The Pavilion,” so it was rented to various people who ran it as a boarding house and hotel for many years. However, seldom a summer went by without some member of the family spending time at “The Pavilion,” James Kent Pell, son of William Ferris, managed the property for his brothers and sisters for many years and struggled to preserve it. He was shocked on coming up one summer to find that the breast-high wall running from the Fort to the lake, and a large part of the Pontleroy and Germain Redoubts had been carted to the lake front and thrown in for a steamboat landing. The farmer in charge said that the contractor told him he had permission. It was too late to do anything about it.

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Fort Ticonderoga and The Pavilion—1827

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When James Pell died, John Howland Pell, a grandson, managed it for some time and later Howland Pell, a great-grandson, ran the property for a great many years. Howland always hoped that some member of the family would some day take it over and if it had not been for Howland it would have passed out of the family. Some people offered almost as much as the whole property was worth for fifty acres between the Fort and the West shore of the Lake. They wished to build a hotel, but he refused to sell.

Towards the end of the century, Stephen Pell, a little boy of eight and his brother, Howland, were sent up to visit their grandmother who was spending the summer at Fort Ticonderoga at “The Pavilion” which was then rented as a hotel. Filled with self importance at being intrusted with tickets and money for such a long trip alone, the boys finally arrived at Fort Ticonderoga. It is not hard to imagine how the Fort at once captured their interest. Little boys of eight and ten have vivid imaginations and with a doting grandmother who told delightfully the old tales of capture and recapture, these imaginations soon ran riot. They were in turn Montcalm, Allen, Arnold, Burgoyne (always a successful officer). They ran up the hills and over the walls, demanding the surrender, or holding the fort. Thrill of thrills came one day when Stephen found the bronze flint box, containing a flint. It is typical of little boys that an argument resulted—Howland claiming that it was half his as he had dislodged the stone, under which it lay, as he climbed up the hill. It was a beautiful little box that had belonged to a man of means and of distinction. One can see them standing there after the first raptures of finding it were over, eyes shining, picturing the Fort in all its past glory, with the proud walls standing, the flags flying and men in bright uniforms on the parade grounds. The lives of men are swayed by seemingly unimportant things and in Stephen Pell’s life always there was the little flint box and the youthful dream. As he grew older the imagination became an obsession, and the obsession became reality as stone by stone, timber by timber, wall by wall, he repaired and restored the Fort until it stands the old Fort Ticonderoga, all built from a flint box, a little boy’s vivid imagination and a man’s hard work, research and intelligence.

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SIR HENRY CLINTON’S DISPATCH.

THE SILVER BULLET.

THE SILVER BULLET

The famous silver bullet, carried by a messenger to General Burgoyne from Sir Henry Clinton. The bullet was hollow and concealed a message. The messenger, on being captured by American Troops, swallowed the bullet. He was given an emetic and forced to disgorge it. Later he was hanged as a spy. The bullet was preserved in the Tallmadge family and presented to the Fort Ticonderoga Museum by Henry O. Tallmadge, Esq.

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The important contribution of the Pell family during a period approaching 150 years has been an appreciation of historical values and a sense of responsibility towards them. There has always been at least one member of the family who refused to allow any part of the property sold, who kept up the gardens and planted trees and who, above all, cherished and preserved the Fort.

In 1908, Mr. and Mrs. Stephen Pell decided to rehabilitate the “Pavilion” and spend their summers in it so that Mr. Pell could undertake the restoration of the Fort. There were legal, financial, architectural, political and engineering problems, and just plain problems. There was a horse living in one of the rooms of the “Pavilion.” There was of course no plumbing, central heating or electricity in the house. The land belonged to 17 members of the family and the problem of locating them and arranging satisfactory terms of purchase was a long and complicated one. There were squatters living all along the shores of Lake Champlain, and these squatters had acquired squatters’ rights. Nevertheless, the house was painted and rehabilitated, plumbing was installed and Mr. and Mrs. Pell moved in.

While Mr. Pell made a complete study of fortifications before one stone was touched at the Fort, Mrs. Pell worked incessantly on plans for the “Pavilion” and the Jardin du Roi. From various members of the Pell family she painstakingly gathered together pieces of furniture originally from the “Pavilion,” and added to it her collection of furniture 100 from her family, Gibbs and Thompson. She purchased only the most minor items, old hooked rugs, curtains and draperies. She was always tremendously interested in the Fort and contributed generously not only valuable additions to its Museum collection, but a vast knowledge of the authenticity of relics and was a true partner in the restoration of Fort Ticonderoga.

Restoration Model of Fort Ticonderoga

Alfred C. Bossom of New York was selected to be the architect of the restoration of the Fort. The Tercentenary Celebration on Lake Champlain provided an occasion for getting the work under way.

At that time President Taft visited the Fort together with the Ambassadors of France and England, the Governor of the States of New York and Vermont and a most distinguished company. The preparations for this were started in 1908, and with such good results that by the time of the celebration the west barracks were ready for a preliminary inspection.

The natives in the surrounding country had to a very large extent appropriated for use in their own houses the stone walls that had fallen down but by careful excavation the precise plan of the original Fort has been entirely laid bare. To aid this, and to verify many points that were more or less uncertain, exceeding courtesy was extended by the British Museum. Photographs and reproductions of all the drawings there existing were forwarded and permission was given to search the records in both the English and French 101 War Departments. At Ottawa the archivist of the Canadian Government also provided all the information available and photographs of the drawings on file. Of course in America all of the various authorities have cooperated to the utmost of their ability, and with this it has been possible to carry on the work of restoration without any uncertainty.

Thomas Cole Painting of Fort, Early 1820’s

One of the best maps of the Military Reservation was made by a man named Jeffreys, who was sent out to make surveys of the forts in this country by the Prince of Wales, who afterward became George III. His work was conducted under considerable handicap and was not as accurate as it might have been, but this map contains a lot of very useful information that is not given on any other.

The engineer who laid out the Fort, de Lotbiniere, followed the plans and specifications of the great French engineer, Vauban. When the work of restoration was started Mr. Pell obtained from France the original manuscript of 102 Vauban’s “Traite des Fortifications.” The book is a fascinating leather bound folio containing many illuminated illustrations of bastions, demilunes, moats, and all paraphernalia of eighteenth century fortifications. This book is one of the most priceless possessions of the Fort library today.

The Fort itself is about 530 feet in diameter from point to point as seen on the various plans. The wall on the north is comparatively low, the fort on this side being approached by a glacis, but on the west could be approached from the level along a grassy slope which ran to the top of a wall at the Fort about 4 feet and 6 inches high, which formed a counterscarp. To the south, a wall guarded the entrance to Lake George and was of a very considerable height, and below this existed the French Village. The French Village of traders and settlers had been behind a stockaded wall, protected by the guns of the Fort. The houses were built on either side of a center walk, and consisted of small stone dwellings, sutler’s stores, warehouses and a blacksmith shop. On the east side a wall approached very close to the bastions and it was from about this point a wide covered way (which was never completed) extended through the rock to the Grenadiers’ Battery, an outlying fort located at the extreme end of the promontory.

The Place d’Armes in the center of the fort was surrounded on three sides by barracks and on the fourth or north side by a bomb-proof. The bomb proof was of arched masonry construction where the garrison kept stores that would be damaged by weather.

Of the barracks, the most important was that located towards the west, and it was here that Ethan Allen found Captain Delaplace at the time of the capture. The ground floor of this building was divided up into a mess room with a kitchen at one end and a scullery at the other. The oven in the scullery when excavated was found to be in perfect condition, the iron doors and dampers still being in their original position.

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Entrance To Place D’Armes

In the second story a number of rooms existed which could be approached by the exterior wooden staircase, and these are now used as a library and office. The outer sides of the various barracks were protected by the curtain walls and the walk behind these was generally at a level of about 8 feet above the Place d’Armes.

The drinking water for the barracks could be obtained in the usual way from a military well located about one hundred yards to the north of the fort, but under the northwest bastion and under the south barracks are two large stone cisterns about 18 feet deep to which all the rain that fell upon the roofs of the buildings was directed by means of underground drains. The one under the bastion was found to be in perfect condition with its pump and plunger as good as when last used.

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The accumulation of a century had to be excavated from between the walls of the various buildings. The courtyard of the fort was between six and seven feet below and in the west barracks, particularly under the bastions, the excavation necessary was over 16 feet to get down to the original surface. Everything that was found during the restoration period was kept for the museum, and the workmen in handling this showed particular interest, and all of the time this work of excavating continued most interesting finds were made, such as pottery, firearms, pieces of hardware and buttons. So many of the numbered buttons have been found that it is possible to trace by them the name of each of the regiments that was stationed at the Fort.

Some of these buttons belong to regiments of which no other account has been found of their residence here, such as the Twenty-first, and in this case it is inferred that they belonged to British prisoners of war who were brought down from St. Johns. One of the most interesting relics was a piece of a punch bowl of white china decorated in blue, and across the bottom of which is inscribed, “Success to General Amherst.” This in all probability must have been a presentation piece made either before the General left England or at some point on his way to take up his command at the Fort, and left behind when he departed. This has come down to us in as good condition as it was in the day it was made.

The roof of tile had fallen in, but sufficient remained so that more could be produced to fill out the deficiencies, though some hundreds of different specimens of clay had to be baked before one was found that was exactly the same form and color of those originally used.

The flooring of the first floor was also of very heavy, thick tile and the same condition was experienced with these. Enough bricks have been found to make it unnecessary to get any new ones, for apparently these were of so little 105 value to the natives that they were not purloined. In the rebuilding of the walls the stones were replaced in their identical positions, similar mortar was used, and heads and jambs of all openings had remained in approximately the positions from which they fell, so much so that with care these today occupy the same position that they had before the walls were torn down.

The Place D’Armes

The mode of procedure followed in making the excavations was to cut the trench on either side of any walls uncovered and by this means specimens of all the hardware, such as door handles, latches, window catches, bolts and bars were recovered. In many cases the hinges had portions of the old timber still attached and from this it was possible to determine the wood used and its thickness. In some cases the larger bar hinges had the wood so well preserved that 106 the different pieces that were joined together to form the doors were very readily discernible. The timber used was largely local chestnut and oak, which have since almost disappeared from the locality, but enough trees have been found to enable the restored work in all cases to be of the same material as that originally employed. The ceiling of the first floor was composed of rough hewn logs with a heavy double floor on top. The walls throughout the first and second stories were of rough plaster and in many cases the stones projected right through and showed on the face.

The fireplaces resembled the construction on the outside being of rough stones with cut stone jambs and heads.

The four bastions at the corners of the fort were used respectively for powder magazine, bakery and two for stores, and under these were unearthed a very considerable quantity of cannon balls, picks, shovels, china and glass, cutlery, bar shot and complete material such as a fortress of this kind would require. Upon excavating these the form of construction originally employed was quite apparent. The floor was built up from rock with a complete system of drains beneath to carry off any surface water, and the roof was carried upon heavy wooden beams and posts, crowned by flagstones forming the deck of the bastion itself. The drains beneath the floor had outlets leading to the moat or ditch, which in the usual way was dry, but when an attacking force was anticipated it was possible to dam the outlet from this and the moat could be flooded by the melting of the winter snows, as several months’ advance information in those days could readily be obtained before an attack was likely to take place.

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Fort Ticonderoga in 1959

SHOWING:
SECTION THROUGH A-B (ENLARGED)
GLACIS
COVERED WAY
DITCH
NORTH DEMI-LUNE
NW BASTION
NE BASTION
COVERED WAY
PARADE GROUND
BRIDGE
WEST DEMI-LUNE
WEST BARRACKS
RAMP
SOUTH BARRACKS
RAMP
RUINS OF EAST BARRACKS
ENTRANCE TO FORT
DUNGEON
SW BASTION SE BASTION
ENTRANCE ARCHWAY
SOUTH WALL

The job of repairing and restoring Fort Ticonderoga has consisted mostly of putting stones back in place. At least ninety per cent of the walls are built from the original stone, which had fallen or slipped into the moat. (The floor tiles were originally made on the place from a blue clay from the lake shores by French potters. The same clay was used in the restoration, and the same methods, and it is impossible to tell today which are the originals and which the copies.) Every bit of iron work used in the restoration was copied from an example found in the ruins. The great oak beams came from a half dozen jobs in the Adirondacks and were rough-hewn as were the originals. The carriages upon which the guns are mounted, if not original, are exact copies and the cannon themselves are all French, British and American of the period, presented by the American, British, Dutch, Haiten, San Dominican and Nicaraguan Governments, or presented by individuals (notably DeLancey Kountze) or purchased whenever they were found on the market. An immense amount of material has been found on the place itself—a cannon, thousands of 108 cannon balls, hand grenades, swivel balls and grape shot, barrels of bullets and barrels of flints, tomahawks, hatchets, axes, hoes, gun barrels, gun locks, bayonets, sword blades, keys, hinges, door locks and every kind of tool—everything that an army could use—dug up wherever a spade is put in the ground and only a couple of years ago one of the rarest finds we have ever made—the breast plate of a suit of half-armor, French, early 18th century.

First restorations actually were carried out a wall a season. The first wing completed (the officers’ mess and quarters) was filled with relics which Mr. Pell and other members of his family had been accumulating through the years. This was accomplished just in time to lock it for protection of its contents when he went off to World War I.

Before Mr. Pell had gone to France he had no idea of charging admission to see the ruins and relics. But during his absence so many visitors came asking for admittance that Mrs. Pell, who spent her summers there superintending the work while her husband was overseas, was forced to hire a full-time guide and charge sight-seers a small sum to pay his salary. The first balance left after his salary was paid was used for the purchase of some cannon of the Revolutionary period which Mr. Pell had located in the West Indies years before.

When restoration got under way after the war, Mr. Pell’s infectious enthusiasm for Fort Ticonderoga and his host of friends all over the world, brought forth assistance from many unexpected sources. Only a few of the cannon actually used at Ticonderoga could be located, since George Washington himself had ordered those there during the early days of the Revolution sent over the snow to the siege of Boston. But Mr. Pell wanted the demilunes rearmed with authentic guns of the period. Lord Charles Beresford and Lord Haldane, hearing of the effort to restore the fort where some of their ancestors had fought, became interested and persuaded the British government to send fourteen large 109 24-pounders, actually cast in England for use in America during the Revolution but never shipped because the war ended too soon. After that, as Mr. Pell expressed it, he was literally bombarded with cannon, from unexpected sources.

The Ethan Allen Door (Upper Left)

Colonel Robert Means Thompson, father of Mrs. Pell, found and purchased twelve French bronze guns and mortars of the type used by the fort’s first builders. Yale University deposited cannon donated by an old graduate, DeLancey Kountze, but never displayed for lack of space. H. Jermain Slocum, retired Charleston, South Carolina, financier and nephew of the late Russell Sage, at his own expense went cannon hunting through the West Indies and South America, buying and donating many, and persuading Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Panama and Nicaragua to send others to the fort. The Netherlands, as well as the United States Army, also helped him arm the ramparts until they took on their original warlike aspect.

Archer M. Huntington became interested, and through the years was a large contributor to Ticonderoga’s restoration fund.

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Scions of Philip Schuyler, Alexander Hamilton, Israel Putnam, Anthony Wayne and many other men in some way connected with Ticonderoga have deposited possessions of their ancestors within the fort. Collectors of Revolutionary rifles, swords, powder horns and snuff boxes have willed their entire collections, the result of many years’ searches, to be kept intact here. Even casual visitors have been so impressed that they have gone home and shipped family relics that the museum could never have acquired by purchase. Others have appointed themselves Ticonderoga scouts who voluntarily tipped Mr. Pell off when they located desirable objects.

One of the museum’s proud possessions is a blunderbuss used by Ethan Allen in taking the fort from the British, then given by him to Benedict Arnold, who in turn gave it to John Trumbull, the Revolutionary artist. It was purchased by the grandfather of Maj. Philip Rhinelander at a sale of Trumbull’s effects, and the Rhinelander family in turn presented it to the museum. Mr. Pell’s pet treasure was a hollow silver bullet taken from one of Sir Henry Clinton’s messengers to Burgoyne just before the latter surrendered at Saratoga. On capture, so papers accompanying the bullet show, the courier swallowed this container of secret dispatches and refused to take a “physick” until tough colonials threatened to “rip his bellie” open. The silver bullet was presented to the fort by Henry O. Tallmadge, a descendant of a Colonel Tallmadge, who was present when it was captured. Other bullets show marks of teeth made while being held in soldiers’ mouths during floggings or amputations.

At the present time the Fort is visited by some 200,000 people every summer. Schools in Vermont and parts of New York State send their children in busloads every year to see it. Many people come back regularly every season to revisit the Fort and re-enjoy the surrounding scenery. The beauty of the point on which the Fort stands overlooking Lake Champlain and of the surrounding meadows and woods is appreciated, consciously and unconsciously, by all of the 111 many visitors. It is a commonplace thing for people who have entered the Fort to return to pick up cameras in their parked autos in order to be able to take photographs in the beautiful surroundings.

Fort Ticonderoga is a living page of American history—the most faithfully restored Fort in America and houses the greatest collection of Revolutionary and Colonial objects.

Although the history of the Fort extends back over 200 years, its present condition, and the incomparable museum which it contains have resulted from the vision and work of one man, Stephen Pell. It is fortunate indeed that as a boy he found a beautiful little bronze flint box containing a flint. And it is fortunate that he grew to be the kind of man who was capable of turning a dream into a living fact.

Mrs. Stephen Pell, through her great vision and understanding encouraged Mr. Pell in his life work, and in addition gave generously in time and money for the restoration.

In 1931, Mr. and Mrs. Stephen Pell established the Fort Ticonderoga Association, a non-profit membership corporation organized under the educational laws of the State of New York. The objectives of the Association are to preserve, maintain and develop the Fort and Museum and the surrounding grounds for the benefit of the public. Mr. Stephen Pell remained President of the Fort Ticonderoga Association until his death in 1950, and his son, John H. G. Pell, has carried forward this great work as President since that time.

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George Washington; in Uniform of American General with Nassau Hall, Princeton College in Background
By Charles Peale Polk, nephew of Charles Wilson Peale
Painting in Fort Ticonderoga Museum

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THE FORT TICONDEROGA MUSEUM

John H. G. Pell
President

Hon. Robert T. Pell
Historian

Col. Edward P. Hamilton
Director

Miss Eleanor S. Murray
Curator

Mrs. Thomas V. Lape
Librarian

Life Members
Dwight W. Garber
Stephen V. Grancsay
Col. Edward P. Hamilton
Anna Hyatt Huntington
Eleanor Murray
Theodore R. Pell
Benoni T. Phillips
Col. Arthur Shadis, USA
C. Otto von Kienbusch

ADMISSION:

The Fort and Museum are open from mid-May to mid-October, including Sundays and holidays from 8 A.M. to 6 P.M. The admission charge is $1.00. There is no charge for children under twelve or for school children in study groups, supervised by a teacher.

LIBRARY:

The library and manuscripts are available for students of history by arrangements made with the Management.

PUBLICATIONS:

The publications of the Museum are for sale at the Log House at the entrance to the Fort, except the Bulletins. Some of the recent bulletins are available at $1.00 each, but unfortunately many of the early ones are entirely out of print. Also sold at the Log House are historical novels pertaining to our neighborhood. Information on any of these may be had from the Management.

GIFTS TO THE MUSEUM:

Appropriate articles are acceptable and the President will be glad to discuss desirable gifts and ways of assisting in the work of the Museum with friends who may desire to help. Gifts are deductible for Federal income tax purposes.

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Powder Horn Map Made at Mount Independence 1776

115

The Book Shelf

ETHAN ALLEN, John Pell (New Edition)

A sound and carefully researched biography of that controversial leader of Vermont’s Green Mountain Boys $5.00

ARUNDEL, Kenneth Roberts

The story of the early history of Maine, and the magnificent march of Arnold’s troops up Dead River and across the Height of Land to attack Quebec 4.00

RABBLE IN ARMS, Kenneth Roberts

A sequel to ARUNDEL. The romance of the two-year struggle of the American Northern Army to halt the British invasion from the north 4.00

NORTHWEST PASSAGE, Kenneth Roberts

The epic story of the greatest Indian fighter, Major Robert Rogers, and his incredible adventure in the Old French War 4.00

TOWN FATHER, A Biography of Gamaliel Painter, W. Storrs Lee

The tale of a small man, a small town, a small college, that combined present the greatness that founded this country 3.75

MARINUS WILLETT, HOWARD THOMAS

The biography of an American patriot whose lifetime embraced the entire span of the American struggle for independence 3.75

FORT TICONDEROGA: KEY TO A CONTINENT, Edward P. Hamilton

The concise and violent story of a brief 20 year active span in the Colonial and Revolutionary Wars, centering in and around the Great Stone Fortress at Ticonderoga 5.95

TICONDEROGA, The Story of a Fort, Bruce Lancaster

Designed for a teen age audience, this unusual volume whose real hero is the Fort itself, will delight the adult reader as well 1.95

INDIAN WARS AND WARRIORS EAST, Paul I. Wellman

Every major struggle between the white man and the Indian, from Champlain’s attack upon the Iroquois to the subjugation of the Seminoles. Ages 11-up 1.95

WASHINGTON AND THE REVOLUTION, Lynn Montross

The inspiring story of the American Revolutionary Army, the army that wouldn’t stay beaten, and its great-hearted leader, George Washington. Ages 11-up 1.95

FORT TICONDEROGA, A Short History, S. H. P. Pell

A comprehensive, well illustrated history of the Fort at Ticonderoga, detailing the part it played in the history of three nations 1.00

116

THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, Edward P. Hamilton

Mainstream of America Series: The Story of Battles and Forts in the Wilderness 5.95

LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND THE UPPER HUDSON VALLEY, Edward P. Hamilton

A concise picture of the military struggles for control of the Champlain waterway, illustrated with carefully plotted population maps detailing the progress of the westward colonial expansion 1.00

THE BLACK WATCH AT TICONDEROGA, Frederick B. Richards, L.H.D.

A complete account of the 42nd Royal Highland Regiment from the time it left Scotland in 1756 until after the capture of Ticonderoga by Amherst in 1759 1.00

ROBERT ROGERS OF THE RANGERS, John R. Cuneo

A sympathetic biography of that great Indian fighter who was a controversial figure in his own time and so continues today 6.00

ADVENTURE IN THE WILDERNESS: THE AMERICAN JOURNALS OF LOUIS ANTOINE DE BOUGAINVILLE, Edited by Edward P. Hamilton

The colonial experiences of an intelligent and articulate observer who served on the frontiers of North America 5.95

NAVIES IN THE MOUNTAINS, Harrison K. Bird

The Battles on the Waters of Lake Champlain and Lake George, 1609-1814 6.50

MARCH TO SARATOGA, Harrison K. Bird

General Burgoyne and the American Campaign, 1777 6.50

GEORGE WASHINGTON’S GENERALS, Edited by Dr. George A. Billias

A series of penetrating essays depicting the military geniuses who engineered the birth of this nation 6.00

Set of 12 postcards of the French Regiments that served at Ticonderoga, from paintings by Col. Harry C. Larter, Jr. 1.00

Set of 12 postcards of the American Regiments that served at Ticonderoga, from paintings by Col. Harry C. Larter, Jr. 1.00

Set of 12 postcards of the British Regiments that served at Ticonderoga, from paintings by Alex. R. Cattley 1.00

Set of 12 postcards of the German Regiments that served with Burgoyne 1.00

Supplemental Set of 8 postcards, British Regiments .75

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THE FORT TICONDEROGA ASSOCIATION

Stephen H. P. Pell, Founder

Benefactors
John H. G. Pell
Archer M. Huntington
Sarah G. T. Pell
Robert M. Thompson
Gladys Pell Blankarn
Hon. Robert T. Pell

Members of the Fort Ticonderoga Association
Mrs. Marshall Blankarn
Mrs. Roger Dechame (Director)
Mrs. Edwin Dunning
Hon. Robert T. Pell (Director)
Anthony D. S. M. Pell
Robert Livingston Pell
Hon. Claiborne Pell (Director)
Clarence C. Pell
Duncan C. Pell, Jr.
Duncan C. Pell III
Francis L. Pell, Jr.
Howland H. Pell
John B. Pell
John H. G. Pell (Managing Director)
Stuyvesant B. Pell (Director)
Theodore R. Pell
Rev. Walden Pell II
Eben W. Pyne
H. Pendleton Rogers

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Flag Bastion

The old guns of Fort Ticonderoga still stand guard over the waters of Lake Champlain, in memory of the days when our forefathers fought and bled in the many struggles which led to the foundation of this great nation of ours.

119

Fort Ticonderoga: South Barracks

Transcriber’s Notes

- Silently corrected a few typos.

- Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.

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Table of Contents

- Fort Ticonderoga A Short History
- CONTENTS
- ILLUSTRATIONS
- CHAPTER ONE The Aborigines
- CHAPTER TWO Champlain
- CHAPTER THREE The Building of the Fort

- CHAPTER FOUR Abercromby’s Defeat

- Account of the Victory Won By the Royal Troops at Carillon on the 8th Day of July, 1758

- CHAPTER FIVE The Amherst Campaign

- CHAPTER SIX The Calm Before The Storm

- CHAPTER SEVEN Ethan Allen

- THE BRITISH SIDE OF THE CAPTURE

- CHAPTER EIGHT Montgomery, Knox, Valcour Island

- CHAPTER NINE Burgoyne Takes the Fort and Brown Fails to Retake It

- CHAPTER TEN The Military History Ends

- CHAPTER ELEVEN The Restoration of Fort Ticonderoga by John H. G. Pell

- THE SILVER BULLET

- THE FORT TICONDEROGA MUSEUM

- ADMISSION:

- LIBRARY:

- PUBLICATIONS:

- GIFTS TO THE MUSEUM:

- The Book Shelf
- THE FORT TICONDEROGA ASSOCIATION
- Transcriber’s Notes
- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE